Why I Oppose the War

Dad,
I am against a U.S. war against Iraq. I support other countries standing up to the warmongering rhetoric of Bush. I am for a nonviolent solution that is international in scope. I support stopping violence whether its one lover beating up another or one country killing the citizens of another. I want it stopped, but not with violence unless others means are seriously exhausted first. Bush came out of the bullpen with fighting words. He wants a war. That’s the difference between him and most of the American public.

I am aware of the U.S.’s economic power in the global economy and how it uses its power to bully other countries, such as Colombia, into supporting the U.S. position of a pre-emptive strike against Iraq.

My Congressional heroes with regard to Iraq are Conservative Republican Ron Paul from Texas, progressive Democrat Barbara Lee from California and Senator Robert Byrd.

I support the Lee Alternative to War Amendment. The Lee alternative amendment urges the U.S. to work through UN inspections and other diplomatic means to ensure that Iraq is not developing weapons of mass destruction. It would not authorize the President to use force against Iraq.

War is being sold to us like milk. War will suck billions of dollars from desperately needed programs in the U.S. I’m onto the President’s propaganda machine.

With regard to your questions about Hitler and Stalin, I have questions back:

Did the U.S. ever support Hitler or Stalin in their country’s wars against other countries by supplying them with weapons and other aid to fight those countries?

Are you not aware that in the mid-1980s the U.S. supported Saddam Hussein in
his war against Iran?

Hitler quashed dissent. That’s how he started his murderous campaign. Political activists were the first to be rounded up and killed by Hitler. We must stop Bush and Rumsfeld from continuing down this path of quashing dissent.

Did you not know that, according to Senator Bryd’s website (http://byrd.senate.gov/) the U.S. provided Iraq with its building blocks for biological weapons?

Don’t you remember the Kuwaiti woman who testified before Congress before the Gulf War? She said that she saw Iraqi soldiers tear Kuwaiti babies from incubators. It was later learned that she was the daughter of the Kuwaiti Ambassador to the U.S. and that her story was a lie (prwatch.org).

Governments lie, especially during war.

I believe former UN weapons inspector Scott Ritter who says that Iraq has no nuclear, biological or chemical weapons that pose an imminent threat to the U.S. or Iraq’s neighbors. Scott Ritter also told us how UN weapons inspectors were turned into spies. He quit the program after that.

Do you think Indonesian President Suharto is less evil than Saddam Hussein? Suharto is Bush’s ally.

Osma Bin Laden was our ally, too. We gave him money and weapons to fight the Soviets. Then the bully turned on us. We reap what we sow.

Why is the U.S. not demanding that Israel comply with UN mandates?

Did you forget that the US dropped Agent Orange, a chemical weapon, in Vietnam? It didn’t just defoliate trees, it eventually killed our own soldiers.

Have you forgotten that the U.S. is the only country that has used nuclear weapons, twice, against another nation?

What will Iraq look like after we bomb it and destabilize it? Who will we prop up as its leader and what will the consequences be?

Our foreign policy is filled with hypocrisy: “Do as I say, not as I do.” Our president is a cowboy whose language of “You’re either for us or against us” is divisive. He’s not interested in building coalitions, not really. He wants other countries to do what we say because we are the world’s only super power.

We have no right to be the world’s police or to unilaterally change the world’s policy from one of containment to one of pre-emptive strikes. We are the world’s biggest bully and if Americans don’t know this, then we’ve
got our heads in the sand. Any unilateral action by the US against any other country will create a new generation of haters of the U.S.

If we pre-meptively strike Iraq, what would prevent India from pre-emptively striking Pakistan and the other way around? If the US can do it, so can I.

This is a dangerous slope of aggressive thinking led by the U.S.

The only thing I can agree with you about, Dad, is that Saddam Hussein is evil. I do not agree with our attempted method of removal of the Iraqi dictator. The costs are too high. I am trying to prevent death and World War III. I am trying to prevent the U.S. from using another nuclear weapon. I am trying to expose the propaganda of the executive branch.

I am more afraid of our war mongering than I am of any external threat. I am more afraid of how our actions against Iraq might be catalysts for World War 3 than I am of terrorists from within or without.

If I am unfortunate enough one day to be killed, murdered or die in a chemical or biological attack or by some punk on the street, I do not want the perpetrator(s) to be killed in my name. Find my killers and lock them up, but do not kill in my name. I mean it. I will defend myself and my life and the lives of those I love against eminent danger, and if I lose, I do not want more violence to be done in my name. I want redemption not revenge, if such unfortunate circumstances were ever to occur.

I just got word from Danielle that she will be joining me the weekend I visit. I’ll let you know more later as the date approaches. We will want to visit the grandparents, too.

Have fun in Wyoming.
Love,
Kim

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Taking Back Iraq’s Oil

Oil may not be the only reason the U.S. government is rushing into war with Iraq, but it is certainly one of the main reasons. Domestic politics, arms industry sales, and other factors all play a role. But for the money-hungry oil corporations, like Exxon-Mobile, Shell, and BP, it is oil that glitters like a mountain of diamonds in the Iraqi desert.

Crude oil is the world’s most actively traded commodity, and when it comes to oil, Iraq has lots of it. With proven reserves of 112-bil bbl (barrels of oil) and probable reserves of 214-bil bbl, Iraq is second only to Saudi Arabia in crude oil reserves. Industry experts believe that Iraq’s true resource potential may be far higher, however, as years of war and sanctions have severely restricted exploration and development. At current prices of about $27 a barrel, this comes out to be a prize worth between $3 trillion and $8.1 trillion. No wonder a post WWII, U.S. State Department assessment called the gulf oil resources “a stupendous source of strategic power, and one of the greatest material prizes in world history … probably the richest economic prize in the world in the field of foreign investment.”

Buying Security Council Votes with Oil
The central role that oil is playing in this crisis was evident in recent U.S. efforts to get the support of Russia and France, who have been resisting U.S. pressure to authorize the use of force against Iraq before inspectors are allowed to return. Their backing has been crucial because they are among the five Security Council members with the power to veto a U.N. Security Council resolution authorizing force.

Why would Russia and France be so resistant to using force against Saddam Hussein? It is because both have a large stake in Iraqi oil and have already invested heavily in it.

On September 1st, the headline of a Washington Post article read “Russian-Iraqi Oil Ties Worry U.S.: Moscow’s Support for an Attack on Hussein May Depend on Economic Assurances.” The article talked about the “depth” of economic ties between Russia and Iraq, which have been long-time allies, ever since the emergence of the Ba’th party and Saddam Hussein in the late 60’s. Major Russian oil corporations such as LUKoil and Zarubezhneft have made major investments in Iraq and have been seeking to position themselves as leading exporters of Iraqi oil when economic sanctions are lifted. LUKoil currently owns 68% in a consortium that has invested a reported $6 billion in developing the 20-bill bbl West Kurna oil field; Iraq also owes Russia at least $7 billion in debt from previous decades.

In a September 9th New York Times article a senior Bush official said the arguments presented to the Russians to get their vote for war against Iraq had been “economic,” and that the U.S. “did not rule out the possibility of negotiating explicit guarantees for Russian interests, mostly oil-related.” The official also stated that “they’re a lot more likely to get their debts paid off” by supporting the U.S. policy.

France also has major investments in Iraqi oil. It, more than any other western nation, has cultivated a relationship with Iraq. France was the largest supplier of arms to Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war. In the 1970’s they helped Iraq build a nuclear power plant that was subsequently bombed by Israel in 1981. The French oil corporation TotalElfFina, the fifth largest oil corporation in the world, has a major presence in Iraq. Among other deals, TotalElfFina has negotiated with Iraq on development rights for the fabulously rich Majnoon oil field, the largest in Iraq.

A top French official candidly laid it out in a September 15th article in the New York Times. He said, “In a sense we’re trapped. Ultimately, we will want to re-engage in Iraq. We built a strategic relationship there. We have a market. We want the oil and we want to be in the game of rebuilding the country. If there were a new regime and we have not been with the Americans, where will we be?”

Actually, what is probably worrying the Russians and the French more than what might happen if they don’t go along is what might happen if they do. Will they get their “fair share” of Iraq’s oil even if they give their support, or will they be left to scramble after the crumbs left behind after U.S. and British oil corporations are allowed to sweep in and gobble up the juiciest and most lucrative fields?

Recent statements made by the U.S.-backed opposition group the Iraqi National Congress (INC) would certainly give Russia and France reason to pause. INC officials have made it clear that “they will not be bound by any of the deals” Iraq has made with Russia, France or other nations. Ahmed Chalabi, the INC leader, went even further, saying he supports the formation of a U.S.-led consortium to develop Iraq’s oil fields. “American companies will have a big shot at Iraqi oil,” he said.

Exxon and Mobil Had it First
But how did it come to be that Russia and France got the dominant position in Iraqi oil, a position they are now anxious about losing to the British and Americans? Not so long ago, before the era of Saddam and the Ba’th party, it wasn’t LUKoil and TotalElfFina that had the dominant position in Iraqi oil, but Exxon-Mobil, BP and Shell. From their perspective, ”regime change” in Iraq would give them the opportunity to reclaim what was “theirs” to begin with.

Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire after WWI, western governments and oil corporations descended on the Persian Gulf like a pack of hungry hyenas, growling and nipping at each other as they fought for the greatest share. Britain was the main military power in the region, and pieced together Iraq from remnants of the Ottoman Empire. They placed King Faisal, a British puppet, on the throne, and proceeded to block Exxon and Mobil’s exploration efforts in Iraq while giving full support to those of British Petroleum and Royal Dutch Shell. This led to intense diplomatic pressure by the Americans. A British foreign office official complained that “Washington officials began to think, talk and write like Exxon officials.” Finally, in 1928, as part of an overall deal to divide the region’s oil between the world’s great powers, known as the “Red Line Agreement,” Exxon and Mobil were granted a 25% share in the Iraq Petroleum Company. Production began in 1934. While the oil corporations were satisfied with the arrangement, many Iraqi’s were not. To insure their control, Britain maintained bases in the area and routinely bombed and strafed rebellious Kurdish and Shia tribesmen. When the Iraqi leadership rebelled in 1940, the British were forced to send in reinforcements leading to armed conflict with Iraqi forces in 1941. The conflict was short lived, the rebellious Iraqi leadership fled the country, and Britain reestablished its authority.

Iraq Slips Through Britain’s Fingers
In 1958, the British again lost control when an Iraqi revolution led by an army faction known as the Free Officers, under the leadership of Abd al-Karim Qasim, overthrew and executed the British puppet King Faisal II. This time, however, reestablishing British control would not be so easy. The Cold War was in full swing. Qasim soon established diplomatic relations between Iraq and Moscow, signed an extensive Iraqi-Soviet economic agreement, and the Soviets began supplying arms to Iraq. At the same time, Qasim was cautious in dealing with the western oil corporations, and only sought increased revenues rather than complete nationalization. Qasim also sought to keep his distance from the Soviets, first embracing and then later repressing the Iraqi Communist Party (ICP).

Internal division within the army soon led to Qasim’s overthrow and a series of internal coups. In 1968, the Iraqi Ba’th party, under the leadership of Ahmad Hasan al Bakr and Saddam Hussein, emerged as the dominant faction. Some claim that the CIA played a role in the successful 1968 coup that brought the Ba’th party to power. This may well have been, but as events turned out, it would have been a gamble that didn’t pay off. The Ba’th turned away from the U.S. and sought improved relations with the ICP. In April of 1972, Iraq signed a 15-year treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union and agreed to cooperate in political, economic, and military affairs. The Soviets agreed to supply Iraq with arms. Bakir also nationalized Iraq’s entire oil industry, including Exxon and Mobil’s 25% share in the Iraq Petroleum Company (a share worth today upwards of a trillion dollars). The Soviet Union, and later France, among others, provided Iraq critical technical skill and capitol needed to exploit the oil fields. And thus it happened that U.S., British, and Dutch oil corporations lost their hold on Iraq.

This is not to say that Iraq became part of the Soviet sphere. While the Ba’th turned to the Soviets for protection from British and U.S. imperialists, they maintained their independence, and did not allow the soviets to penetrate their security apparatus to the point of allowing them to ‘reach’ the inner leadership. In the mid-seventies, as had happened in the mid-sixties under Quasim, when it was felt the communists were getting too powerful, the Ba’th cracked down on the ICP and moved to distance themselves from the Soviets. During the Cold War period the Iraqi government, like other revolutionary governments at the time, was able to find a space to exist independently within the balance of power between the U.S. and the Soviet empires.

Strange Bedfellows
Neither should the temporary strategic alliance between the U.S. and Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war be overstated, as some progressives have mistakenly done. Iraq under Saddam was never a “client state” of the U.S., though the U.S. did provide crucial military and political support for Iraq during the latter stages of the war (a time when Iraq was repeatedly using chemical weapons against Iran, with U.S. knowledge and support).

Both Iraq and the U.S. found themselves in conflict with Iran after the 1979 Islamic revolution that brought Ayatollah Khomeini to power, but for completely different reasons. The Ayatollah Khomeini promoted the spread of Islamic revolution across the Middle East, including revolution in Iraq to overthrow Saddam and the Ba’th party, who were secular nationalists that tended toward authoritarian socialism. The U.S., on the other hand, had just lost another oil rich nation to a revolution, and was intent on not letting the revolutionary fever spread.

The Prize and the Price
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990 and end of the Cold War radically changed the global power arrangement. No longer can nations like Iraq play the superpowers off one another to maintain independence. So after more than 30 years, with no one to stop them, the U.S. and Britain, with Exxon-Mobil, BP, Shell, UNOCAL, and Chevron waiting in the wings, are moving in to reclaim their lost Iraqi prize. Impotent militarily, all France and Russia will likely do is sell their Security Council vote for the highest price they can get, which probably won’t be much.

The highest price of all, of course, is being paid by Iraqi children, innocent civilians, and young American troops. It is they, and not the oil company stockholders, executives, and political elites who die and suffer as the result of continued sanctions and the bloody horror that is war.

Jeff Sowers and his family recently moved to Urbana from Olympia, Washington for his wife’s graduate work in African Studies. He is currently working as a substitute public school teacher. He graduated from the University of Washington with a degree in Physics in 1988 and then spent six months living in India, an experience that he says made the rest of the world much more real and human. He then came across the work of Noam Chomsky, which completely transformed his understanding of the world and the U.S. government. When the first Gulf war took place in 1991, he became very involved with the anti-war movement in Seattle. Since then he has been involved in a variety of issues and projects, including Pastors for Peace, the Green Party, sweatshop issues, and the promotion of Direct Democracy. He has also traveled to Haiti, Cuba, Mexico, and Tanzania. He is currently a working member at the Common Ground Food co-op and an active member of AWARE.

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The Cremation of…

15 September 2002

There are strange things done under Bush’s sun
Where greedy men moil for gold;
They have no care for the fetid air
Breathed by the young and old.

Because oil pollutes and cuthroat pursuits
Is all for the bottom line….
And the mansions built fosters no guilt
When explained as being “God’s design”.

They think that war is the way to keep score
As long as they get the big slice.
That an oil-slicked pool is more than cool
It’s more than worth the price!

What’s a dying child or masses beguiled
While taking nature’s best?
Or if the ocean’s deep is in permanent sleep
By black gum or poisened ghosts?

Who cares as long as they right that wrong
With thier noses and a thumb?
They can laugh with ease in the Bahama’s breeze
And pray the press keeps mum

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What Next? Metaphor?

25 September 2002

the oil has run out.
we saw it coming
and it did.

no more bobbing arms
in corn fields.
just arms.

the oil has run out
and we’re still alive,
we’re just fine.

a brilliant plan
hatched mid-bush-2
soon after 9-11.

bomb the people,
terrify them,
read their email.

drive them to tears,
drive them to scream,
drive them to write.

make them generators,
churning words,
drilling for meaning.

the oil has run out
and we don’t care
we’ve moved on.

we switched
at the last second
to burning poetry.

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The Practice and Persecution of Falun Gong: In Illinois and Around the World

THOU SHALL NOT PASS
On June 12, when Hubert Zhou, a resident of Chicago, presented his ticket at the Icelandic Air ticket counter in Minneapolis St.Paul airport for that evening’s flight to Iceland, rather than have his bags checked and his boarding pass issued, he was asked to step aside and speak to the station manager. The manager informed Mr. Zhou that his name was on “the list.” What list? The Iceland Ministry of Justice had given Icelandic Air a list of individuals in the United States and other countries around the world suspected of being Falun Gong practitioners. Icelandic Air was forbidden from allowing anyone on this list to fly to Iceland. Any employees who slipped up and allowed someone to make the trip risked losing their jobs. No refund was offered for the suddenly invalid ticket.

What happened to Hubert Zhou also happened to seven other Falun Gong practitioners that night in Minneapolis, six of them from Chicago and one from St. Louis. Around this time the same thing also happened to other practitioners in Baltimore, Boston, New York, Copenhagen, Frankfurt, London, Paris, and Stockholm. These practitioners had wanted to travel to Iceland because Jiang Zemin, the head of the Communist Party, the government, and the military of the People’s Republic of China, was due there on a state visit. Jiang pressured the government of Iceland to do things it had never done in its proud 1,000 year long history of protecting fundamental rights– restrict travel to Iceland and detain people inside Iceland on the basis of their beliefs; and restrict the freedoms of speech and assembly.

Hubert Zhou had wished to go to Iceland in order to respond to the propaganda against Falun Gong that Jiang Zemin dispenses wherever he goes, and to appeal peacefully to Jiang himself, the people of Iceland, and the people of the world to end the persecution of Falun Gong in China. Falun Gong has no membership rolls. Mr. Zhou and his fellow practitioners wondered where this blacklist came from, and who compiled it. In order to understand what happened at the ticket counter in Minneapolis-St. Paul airport in June, a little background about what Falun Gong is and how Jiang began persecuting it may be in order.

WHAT FALUN GONG IS
Falun Gong (also called Falun Dafa) is an ancient, traditional form of practice that was taught in private for thousands of years before being made public in 1992 by Mr. Li Hongzhi. In the following five years, Mr. Li devoted himself to teaching it in China as well as outside China.

Falun Gong involves the practice of five, simple meditative exercises, and a set of teachings that are set forth in the speeches and writings of Li Hongzhi. Zhuan Falun is the principle book, and is studied regularly by practitioners. These teachings can be summed up in three words: truthfulness, compassion, and tolerance. Practitioners, all over the world including here in Urbana-Champaign, strive to become better people by embodying these three principles in everything they do.

Falun Gong is not a religion. There are no priests, hierarchy, churches or temples, dues, rituals, liturgies or catechisms in Falun Gong. It is a “loose cultivation practice,” with no official organization. All activities are free and voluntary. The teachings of Falun Gong forbid practitioners from being involved in politics. They are taught to devote themselves to self-improvement, with the understanding that society as a whole will benefit if the individuals in society work to become better people.

Practitioners of Falun Gong typically report improved health, sometimes dramatically so, with chronic or life-threatening diseases being completely reversed. And they also report various improvements in mental health such as less stress, a greater ability to handle conflicts, greater harmony in the family, and greater feelings of contentment.

FALUN GONG IN CHINA
Falun Gong enjoyed explosive growth in China before the persecution began, and has also spread rapidly around the world. A 1999 survey done by the Chinese government reported that between seventy and one hundred million people practiced Falun Gong in China. Falun Gong is now practiced in fifty-five countries outside China.

The sheer number of people practicing Falun Gong scared some members of the Chinese Communist Party, most notably Jiang Zemin. In fact, a large number of Communist Party members, including many very high-ranking ones, practiced Falun Gong, and found no conflict between it and their official duties. But the Communist Party in China has never tolerated any groups that are independent of it. In addition, under Jiang Zemin, the Communist Party has shown itself hostile to any forms of spirituality that the Party does not control. Freedom House recently released internal party documents that set out a campaign to suppress not only Falun Gong, but Catholics who acknowledge the Pope, Evangelical Christians, Uigher Muslims, etc. (See: http://www.freedomhouse.org/religion/news/bn2002/bn-2002-02-11.htm)

On July 20, 1999, Jiang began a campaign to “eradicate” Falun Gong. This campaign of terror has been comprehensive and brutal. At this time Falun Gong practitioners can confirm the deaths of 474 practitioners in police custody. Sources inside the government in October, 2001 placed the true death toll at over 1,600. The government’s official policy is to identify every single practitioner and brainwash her or him. If they do not renounce Falun Gong in writing after being brainwashed in centers created just for this purpose, then they are sentenced to China’s notorious labor camps. In addition to being held in Labor Camps, practitioners are held in “transformation centers” — places of detention created solely for the purpose of torturing Falun Gong practitioners — and jails throughout China. Sane and healthy practitioners are also involuntarily committed to mental hospitals, where they are tortured by medical personnel using massive doses of psychotropic drugs and electro-convulsive therapy, among other methods. All those who are detained, whether in jails or elsewhere, are likely to be subject to beatings and torture. Women are singled out for various forms of sexual abuse and humiliation, including rape and gang rape. The Hong Kong Center for Human Rights and Democracy estimates that 20,000 practitioners are held in Labor Camps, 100,000 in other forms of detention, and 1,000 in mental hospitals. Practitioners of Falun Gong believe that the numbers of those detained are in fact much, much higher.

THE GLOBAL PERSECUTION MACHINE
While the Chinese government has attempted to “eradicate” Falun Gong in China, it is also working to harass, intimidate and slander it here in the United States where there have been several incidents of practitioners being attacked, including two in Chicago. Also in Chicago a practitioner’s car was torched. Since July 1999, there have been several mysterious break-ins into practitioners’ apartments in which the only thing taken was information about Falun Gong. Practitioners have come home to find on their answering machines tape recordings of private conversations they had earlier in the day with other practitioners in homes, in public places, and on cell phones. The intent of the government is to intimidate the practitioners by letting them know that they are being spied upon. There have been death threats. E-mail accounts are regularly attacked.

The Chinese language media in the U.S., much of which is owned by the Chinese government, regularly carry government propaganda slandering Falun Gong.

In response to this campaign, fifty-one Falun Gong practitioners from every region of the country in April of this year filed a R.I.C.O. suit in the federal district court in D.C. alleging that two Chinese ministries, the China Star media corporation, and the staff of the embassy and several consulates in the United States were engaged in a conspiracy to deny Falun Gong practitioners their constitutional rights.

Outside the United States, there have been similar activities. For instance, in Canada a federal court found a Chinese newspaper in contempt for repeatedly slandering Falun Gong in spite of a court order to stop. During a visit by Jiang Zemin to Germany this spring, the German government, under pressure from the Chinese, forced Falun Gong practitioners out of hotels, and actually tried to prevent people from wearing the colors of blue or yellow, colors associated with Falun Gong. In Hong Kong, the government recently conducted a trial against sixteen practitioners, arrested simply for having a peaceful demonstration on a public sidewalk – in spite of numerous precedents that supported the practitioners right to be where they were. In Auckland, New Zealand, the government, under pressure from the Chinese, refused to allow Falun Gong practitioners to rent a billboard in the airport. In Cambodia, a few weeks ago the government violated its treaty agreements by forcibly returning to China two practitioners who had been granted refugee status by the United Nations.

Given this pattern of behavior in and out of the United States, what happened to Hubert Zhou and his fellow practitioners from Chicago and St. Louis is not hard to understand. The blacklist was compiled by spying conducted by the People’s Republic of China here in Illinois and the rest of the United States on our citizens and residents, and is now being used as yet one more tool in the Chinese government’s attempt to suppress Falun Gong.

The significance of the blacklist is simply this: Jiang Zemin fears Hubert Zhou and all of the other practitioners outside China. He fears them because he does not want them telling the truth about the infamy happening in China. He does not want them telling the truth to the Chinese population, who are subjected to daily propaganda meant to delude them about Falun Gong. And he does not want them telling the truth to governments and peoples outside of China, who are beginning to understand what a human rights catastrophe is taking place there.

A STRUGGLE THAT NEEDS AND DESERVES YOUR HELP
For three years now the practitioners of Falun Gong in China have heroically resisted Jiang’s campaign to eradicate them. They have done so by using every peaceful and non-violent means available to convey to the Chinese people and the Chinese government: the truth about Falun Gong; the fact that the government should obey the law and honor its constitution and treaty obligations that guarantee fundamental human rights; and the fact that the people of China do have such rights. The world should stand firmly at the side of the Falun Gong practitioners in China. When the most populous nation and the world’s next great power stops persecuting Falun Gong and begins to guarantee the human rights of its population, the whole world will enter a new era of respect for human decency.

In order to learn more about Falun Gong, please visit http://www.falundafa.org. In order to learn more about the persecution of Falun Gong, please visit http://www.faluninfo.net.

Stephen Gregory is an Administrator at the University of Chicago and a Ph.D. student there with the Committee on Social Thought. He began practicing Falun Gong in November, 1998.

Dongdong Zhang came to the U.S. in 1997. She moved to Champaign two and a half years ago to obtain her Ph.D. in special education from the U of I. She has been practicing Falun Gong since May 1994.

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Man Arrested by FBI for Faking Green Connection to “Terrorism”

In the interests of fuller disclosure, here is more background on a case that is getting limited coverage in the dominant media. Reports in the September 6-12 Cityview and the September 7 News-Gazette indicate that a local man, 21-year old Max Weissberg of Champaign, was indicted this week on a federal charge of sending a threatening communication. Weissberg appeared in federal court in Urbana on Friday, August 30, following his arrest on August 26. He was released on bond, ordered to have no access to the Internet and then was allowed to travel to Oregon to attend college, pending further court action on his case. What is left unclear in the above reports is the apparent motivation for Weissberg’s alleged threat.

The incident that led to Weissberg’s arrest, and an FBI raid on his mother’s Mahomet home where a computer was seized that was used in the commission of the e-mail threat, began when the editors of the CU Cityview received a threatening e-mail in the supposed name of ‘terrorists’ in opposition to the Cityview’s recent decision to suspend Carl Estabrook’s column until after this November’s election. Estabrook isrunning on the Green Party ticket for the Congressional seat currently held by Republican Tim Johnson.

The threat mentioned blowing up buses and implied that, unless Estabrook’s column was immediately restored to the Cityview, such action would be taken by the fictional group in support of the Green Party’s campaign at some unspecified date and location. The clear implication behind the threat was that ‘terrorists’ were working in support of Estabrook’s campaign.

The FBI was then called in by the Cityview editors to investigate this threatening communication. The FBI tracked the source of the message to the computer in Mahomet, which was seized after a warrant was issued authorizing a raid on the house of Weissberg’s mother.

Left unmentioned by both the News-Gazette and the Cityview articles on the arrest was Weissberg’s apparent motivation. He has been a regular writer of letters to the editor in the Cityview, hotly disagreeing with Estabrook’s stance on the Middle East, in particular the situation that exists in the struggle for a Palestinian state and the current Israeli government’s brutal suppression of this desire. It seems that Weissberg, like President Bush, Attorney General Ashcroft, and Defense Secretary Don Rumsfeld, has a myopic view of why opposition exists to brutal policies of oppression and hoped to connect all resistance to such policies to a vast international “terrorist” conspiracy.

Weissberg apparently chose to imply that the “terrorist” group in whose name he sent the threatening message was of Arab or other Middle Eastern origin in the hopes that the faked threat would draw an FBI crackdown on local Muslims, in addition to smearing the Estabrook campiagn by associating it with “terrorism”. The message was sent in name of the non-existent “Mohammed Arkady, Al-Aman Martyrs Brigade.”

This incident follows other recent attempts to smear local activists by associating them with unpalatable groups or messages. University of Illinois Law Professor Francis Boyle, a well-known international law expert and supporter of a Palestinian homeland, was the subject of a fake e-mail campaign earlier this summer. This was apparently done as part of a wider campaign of disinformation against supporters of the Palestinian cause that is said to have been traced to Israeli computer hackers. The Urbana-Champaign IMC site, like much of the rest of the IMC network, has been bombarded by supposed pro-Palestinian posts that have a distinctive white supremacist message in an apparent attempt to smear opponents of Israeli policy by falsely associating supporters of Palestine with neo-Nazi ideas and viewpoints.

The next court date for Weissberg was not mentioned in other coverage of this incident. He faces up to five years in prison and a $250,000 fine, if convicted of the charge.

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Monthly Art Exhibitions Coming to the IMC

One of the most beneficial and interesting aspects of a place like the Independent Media Center is that it exists in a constant state of evolution . It is always adapting to meet the needs and desires of the community for which it was created. In its twenty-four month history, the IMC has been home to a newspaper , a radio show, a concert venue, a library, and a site for political meetings, among other uses. In its newest incarnation, the IMC will be home to an art gallery.

Holding monthly shows, it will be the newest addition to the thriving fine-arts community in Urbana-Champaign. It is meant to be a forum for all artists, including those who may not have access to the larger galleries, as well as already established and even nationally recognized members of the arts community.

Jason Pitzl-Waters, a local fine artist and member of the IMC, has been organizing the campaign to create a permanent gallery space at the IMC. After asking himself, ” Why are some of these really talented artists not having shows and why isn’t anyone doing anything about it?”, he decided that he would attempt to facilitate this project. He brought his proposal to the IMC Steering Committee, where it was accepted, and since then Pitzl-Waters has been spearheading work sessions to shape the middle room of the IMC building into a space suitable for this type of project.

While the IMC does work by consensus, this project is Pitzl-Waters’s brainchild . He has been actively seeking out artists and booking shows for the upcoming months. He has also tried to make clear that there is a vision behind this project. He is attempting to make fine art more accessible and less intimidating to the general audience. “The main point that you have to remember as an artist,” he says, “is that art is made for an audience. The moment we begin to forget that, we’ve failed as artists.” Which means that this will not be your typical urban art gallery. “If you’ve ever done a tour of galleries in Chicago, for example, you wind up in these cold, stark, imposing edifices. The kind of place where the person behind the counter will give you the once over and decide that since you’re not a millionaire and you aren’t going to spend thousands on art today, you’re not even worth acknowledging,” he says. “I want this to be the antithesis of that. I’m sick of drinking bad white wine and going to cheesy art shows.”

The gallery opening will definitely not have that type of atmosphere. Taking place on October 17, it will be a benefit for the space, hoping to recoup money used for materials to get the room ready for the first show. “It’s going to be more of a party. We ‘ll have bands playing, maybe some food, and definitely some really cool art.” The first show will feature work by Pitzl-Waters himself and will be called “Tarot Visions”. Much of the work has been inspired from the imagery found on tarot cards, those mystical and often misunderstood tools of fortunetellers. “Tarot cards use images with really broad symbology. I’m using this framework in my paintings to convey my own ideas about the concepts that are brought up through the cards. Also, I try to feminize some of the ideas that are usually portrayed with males. Women have gotten a bum rap, especially when dealing with this range of topics. In my work, I’m making women the focus. These are, in my mind, strong women that are encompassing these huge concepts.” His medium is oil on board and/or canvas.

“Tarot Visions” begins October 15 at the Independent Media Center; located at 218 West Main Street in Urbana. For more information, call the IMC at (217) 344 -8820 or go to the IMC gallery website at http://www.gallery.ucimc.org.

Alex took 7 years after high school to “travel, work and experience life in what is so incorrectly referred to as the real world.” He decided to continue his education when he realized that he could not make a living doing anything that involved brain power without a college degree. He decided on the U of I due to its academic reputation and surrounding artistic/creative scene. Alex is a journalism major.

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Meet the Chickenhawks

The following information was taken from the website of the New Hampshire Gazette, http://www.nhgazette.com/chickenhawks.html

A chickenhawk is a term often applied to public persons — generally male — who (1) tend to advocate, or are fervent supporters of those who advocate, military solutions to political problems, and who have personally (2) declined to take advantage of a significant opportunity to serve in uniform during wartime.

Some individuals may qualify more for their political associations than for any demonstrated personal tendency towards bellicosity. Some women may be included for exceptional bellicosity.

There is another, less savory definition of the term chickenhawk. It is not relevant to this discussion; we intend no such associations to be drawn here.

We encourage every interested American to feel free to nominate chickenhawks, or to fill in missing information. Nominations are solicited from all sources.

George W. Bush: Yeah, right. He was in uniform. Big deal. See http://www.awolbush.com

Bill Clinton: He may have launched a few cruise missiles to distract us from a dalliance with a girl half his age, but our judges believe he wasn’t bellicose enough to make the cut. Your mileage may vary.

Tom Delay: “DeLay’s excuse for having a yellow streak as wide as the Rio Grande down his back is truly imaginative, if you take a delight in the bizarre. The man who believes Dioxin is good for you (again, we are not making this up), claims that he volunteered for Vietnam, but all the spots were taken up by minorities, so he was not allowed to serve. Clearly all those years of exposure to toxic chemicals had some serious side effects on ‘Ol Tom.” – Esther and/or Jeff Clark

Paul Harvey: A complicated case. We’re working on a dossier.

Ted Nugent: An amusing case. We’re working on a dossier.

Richard Perle: We’re working on a dossier.

Ronald Reagan: A complicated case. He remains listed because our judges believe his bellicosity outweighs his relatively painless service.

Pat Robertson: “[His own] libel suit [against fellow former Marine Pete McCloskey] turned out to be an embarrassment to Robertson. During depositions, Paul Brosnan, Jr., a retired university professor who served with Robertson in Korea, backed up [Congressman Pete] McCloskey’s claim and went even further, asserting that the televangelist had consorted with prostitutes and had sexually harassed a Korean cleaning girl who worked in the barracks.” –Rob Boston, The Most Dangerous Man in America, Prometheus Books, 1996. Our judges feel his remarkable service in the field of bonehead politics outweighs the marginal service he provided, particularly given his acquiescence to his old man’s efforts to snatch his chestnuts out of the fire.

Steven Spielberg: We read his films as ultimately adding to the glorification of war. Perhaps we’re wrong. This nomination has been challenged, and is open to debate.

John Wayne: “Another notable Hollywood faker to consider is Marion Morrison. Born in 1907, he decided to jump past his competitors like Jimmy Stewart and Henry Fonda by using his married status as a reason to avoid volunteering for the cause. As John Wayne, a phony name for a phony man, he played a lot of war heroes, while he ran away from anything resembling patriotism, except the pose. – Ray Duray

Click here to see the complete chart.

Another Sort of Chickenhawk Altogether
We realized with a shudder today that with all the noise we’ve making about “chickenhawks” – who are in general a less-than inspiring lot – we’ve neglected to mention a self-described chickenhawk of an altogether different sort: Robert Mason.

Robert Mason was an Army helicopter pilot with the First Cavalry in Vietnam in 1965 and 1966. His best-selling memoir “Chickenhawk” will likely remain the definitive portrayal of the war as seen from the pilot’s seat of a Huey.

In 1984, when Mason’s “Chickenhawk” was on the New York Times best seller list, its author was in prison for trying to sail a boat full of marijuana into the country. How an ace Army helicopter pilot became a drug smuggler is revealed in Mason’s second book, “Chickenhawk: Back in the World.”

It will come as no surprise to Mason’s fellow veterans that PTSD – Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder – had something to do with the course of his life after the war. Mason’s aptly-named wife Patience wrote a valuable book of her own, Recovering From the War: A Guide for all Veterans, Family Members, Friends, and Therapists, published by Viking in 1990.

The fact that the term “chickenhawk” applies to belligerent draft dodgers like Saxby Chambliss and Tom Delay, and to men like Robert Mason, is, as far as we can tell, simply further proof that if you follow something to its extreme, you may meet its opposite.

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Globalization Fails to Deliver the Goods

One of the good things about the stock market coming back down to Earth after a prolonged bubble is that it leads people to question other misconceptions about the economy. When stock prices were soaring we heard all kinds of nonsense about a “new economy,” technological revolutions, and profit projections that were just too miraculous to be true.

The standard litany about the wonders of globalization could be the next myth that is ripe for debunking. For decades we have been told that increasing global trade and investment was great for everyone, with the exception of some inevitable “losers” who would hopefully retrain for new jobs (perhaps in the “new economy.”)

Like the investment advisers who hawked Enron and WorldCom stocks as they were heading toward disaster, most of the “experts” on globalization have long been avoiding the real numbers.

For starters: the real median wage in 1973 was $12.45 (measured in 2000 dollars). In 2000 it was about $12.90. Considering that the US economy grew by 72 percent (per person) during that period, somebody got shafted. Since the median is by definition the middle of the wage ladder, that somebody includes the majority of employees in the United States — not just the textile or steel workers who have been hit directly by foreign competition.

Anyone who is old enough to have lived through the 1950s, 60s, and 70s knows that it was not uncommon for a typical wage-earner to buy a house, support a family, and even put the kids through college with just one income. That doesn’t happen any more, and these statistics are another way of expressing America’s changed reality.

Interestingly, almost all of the research by economists shows that our opening up to foreign trade contributed to this massive redistribution of income. The only question is: how much? Even if we take the smaller estimates of how much redistribution was due to increased trade — not to mention US firms moving production overseas — it is easy to show that about three-quarters of the US labor force has suffered a net loss due to globalization. This takes into account (as do the above numbers on the real median wage) all the cheap DVD and CD players, clothing, and other consumer goods that we now import from overseas. For the vast majority of Americans, the losses from globalization have outweighed the gains, in strictly economic terms.

This should not be surprising, since our political leaders have made it their mission for more than 30 years to rewrite the rules of global commerce (for example, in such agreements as the North American Free Trade Agreement or the World Trade Organization) in ways that give corporations more power and workers less.
What about the developing world? Unfortunately the official, undisputed numbers tell a very different story here, too, than the one we have heard from the cheerleaders on TV. The growth of income per person in the low and middle-income countries dropped sharply over the last 20 years. If we compare the last two decades (1980-2000) to the previous 20 years (1960- 1980), we find that these economies advanced by less than half their prior rate of growth.

As a result of this slower economic growth, most developing countries also saw reduced progress over the last 20 years in such areas as life expectancy, infant and child mortality, literacy, and education. This long experiment in corporate-led globalization has been a failure, at home and abroad. As with the end of the “new economy,” it is time to face up to the facts.

Mark Weisbrot is a former resident of Urbana and one-time Democratic presidential primary candidate. He is currently the Co-Director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington, DC. This article was first published in the Washington Post.

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Complacency is Complicency

After the terrorist attack last September, I attended a Rockford Peace & Justice meeting along with many other political activists who felt some concern about how the United States would choose to respond. The local television stations were there to cover the event and somehow my image appeared on the news segment that night. As a result, students from the high school where I teach saw that I was there and proceeded to spread a rumor that I was “un-American.” Another member of the faculty brought this to my attention during a passing period. He told me what a student had said and I started to get that familiar sinking feeling: that many people in this country never look beyond what their leaders tell them. Perhaps I should forgive the young woman who made the ridiculous accusation because she is uninformed, but I can’t help but ponder the reality that she represents a larger group of people here the United States who haven’t bothered to study their history, much less question the present.

With this experience in mind, I began to reflect on my political views and decided that I don’t care ‘who’ calls me ‘what’ anymore. The time has come to challenge the authorities that lead us toward the brink of an uncertain future as they plot their schemes of destruction.

It seems like just yesterday that I was in high school and a President named Bush was waging war on a foreign country called Iraq. Now it’s more than ten years later, I’m teaching high school and another President named Bush is going to wage war on the same foreign country, Iraq. The more life changes, the more it stays the same. What does this all mean? Saddam Hussein might be a ruthless dictator, but there are plenty of them around the world and we’re not invading all of their countries, at least not yet. It’s interesting how a lust for oil can make a nation act.

I have another uneasy feeling inside. As our leaders select enemies around the globe to target for military aggression, I can’t help but think that our fear of terrorism has empowered them to do so. After all, what was that President’s remark in his State of the Union Address about the “axis of evil?” Are we going to declare war on every country that doesn’t subscribe to our blend of political and economic values?

What I find really disheartening is that the average person permits the government to make these decisions, as if all are made in our best interest. Perhaps that’s the downfall of representative democracy – people assume too much, critically think very little, and openly speak out on a rare occasion in situations like this. Isn’t it strange that you can be ostracized for merely voicing an alternative perspective? Am I alone in thinking that? Are people so foolish? Or are they just so preoccupied with ‘getting paid’ to even care, like a junkie in search of a fix? They believe that because George W. Bush says we need a missile defense shield, that we must develop one. They believe that broad definitions of terrorism, granting police agencies the power to invade their privacy, holding innocent people in detention, and proposing that citizens spy on one another must be the path to solving our problems and promoting security.

Has anyone bothered to question what it is about our policy that provokes hostility toward our country in the first place? If you think the answer is that we’re a freedom-loving nation, you are grossly oversimplifying the issue. Is it possible that the world is tired of being treated as a means to an end? That foreign people are angry because they are seen only as a supply of natural resources or cheap labor in our eyes? If you study our history, you find a ‘privileged few’ that ordered the decimation of indigenous populations, enslavement of black people, and exploitation of the working class. Interestingly enough, a majority of the population considered this acceptable for quite some time. In retrospect, this injustice is dismissed as a necessary action in our evolution.

But for just a moment, consider all of the suffering that transpired. Most people are horrified at the thought because it’s incomprehensible. Have we learned anything from the experience in the past? One might argue that we have not. For years now, the ‘privileged few’ have been scouring the Earth in search of other lands that can be taken advantage of. It’s the only way for them to maintain their standard of living and the only way they know how to function. Welcome to the modern capitalist state. Trace the evolution yourself as the references change: colonialism, imperialism, and globalization. Perhaps there hasn’t been a change at all because force is the enduring tool of the policies we enact. If you choose to openly disagree with or resist the United States’ interests, you will eventually find yourself the victim of sanctions or bombs. Each of which kills far more innocent civilians than corrupt government officials.

I think that it’s time we reevaluated how we treat people abroad while keeping in mind that individuals we call terrorists today were at one time our allies. Remember, problems exist whether or not you choose to address them, and that ignorance fuels anger to unimaginable levels. Does this mean I excuse acts of violence against the United States? No, I do not. However, if we are really serious about ending the political violence, we must examine our role in fostering it. For more information: http://www.beyondtheself.org

John Duerk

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Name That State

Gentle Readers:
I am thinking of a country – one familiar to most of us. In this country, a state of open-ended war exists. It is a war against a nebulous and hard-to-define enemy, but an evil enemy to be sure. It is not a traditional war, but a battle against ideologies that threaten this country’s way of life. It is a fight for all that is good, against a powerful and wicked foe. In this war, the enemy could be a country, but it could also be your neighbor, a fellow student, or the person sitting with you in a stadium, or next to you on the plane.

For the prosecution of this war, the government has expanded its powers to clandestinely surveil the populace. Cameras observe the public unseen, and modern technology has created a virtual panopticon. Libraries and bookstores are required to report the reading habits of suspected enemies of the state, and secret courts may even rule and sentence without official charge or public trial. Detainees may be held without the protection of
international conventions, and without their identities released to a free press. These measures have been deemed necessary to protect national security.

In this war-torn country, a mass media campaign extols the virtues of patriotism and support for the government. Television screens throughout the land hammer home the leadership’s message of the need for paternalistic protection and oversight. Those who protest against the government’s stern measures have their very patriotism questioned by the executive authorities, and can be investigated without serving a warrant to justify the search of their homes or their financial records. National security demands these exigencies as well.

The economy of this country depends largely on a military-industrial complex that profits from the campaign against the enemy, but is nonetheless the only hope for victory. The army is funded beyond other priorities, and soldiers are sent to give their lives for the nation in far-off lands. Only through the prosecution of this war can true peace be realized in the end.

The workers of this country are at the mercy of government and corporate interests which operate in a realm so far removed from the common person that everyday people can barely even fathom the workings of the system itself, much less the motivations of those who control it. Livelihoods depend on decisions made by a
rich, powerful few, cloistered and guarded from pedestrian society. Most people live day-to-day, trying to pay rent and keep food on the table, and trying not to make waves – avoiding “radical” opinions that might attract attention. The public is encouraged to report any “suspicious behavior” to the police, and the police have substantial powers to investigate and arrest these “suspicious characters.”

The executive leaders of this country came to power by, at best, dubious means – and it is clear that it was not by the majority vote in a democratic process. It is probably fair to say that they attained their office with the aid of a small group of elite powerbrokers who maintain a system of nepotism and corruption to ensure their status. They are not leaders elected by the fully-counted will of the people.

In this country, the leadership speaks in simplistic phrases, designed to evoke a polar emotional response, rather than inspire reasoned criticism. Soundbites aired on screens nationwide exhort the populace to fear and hatred of the evil enemy, and praise the virtue of loyalty to the government, despite the erosion of civil liberty in the face of war. Nationalism is upheld at the expense of any semblance of global cooperation.

Have you guessed the name of this country? Do you recognize the state of affairs I have described? I have described, in some detail, a fictional nation known as Oceania, from that most important of novels, 1984, by George Orwell. If, even for a moment, from any perspective, you thought that my description might apply to the United States of America in 2002, I hope it gives you pause.

Perhaps I am an alarmist. Perhaps I am a radical. Perhaps I am a troublemaker. I, however, prefer to think of myself as a patriot, exercising the eternal vigilance that is the price of liberty. Despite the horrors visited upon us by extremists on September 11, 2001, let us not sacrifice the freedoms that make this country great. Let us rather accept the risks that are assumed by a free society, and not flinch from resisting those who – even with the best intentions – would drive us into the dark shadow of demagoguery and authoritarianism.

John Baldridge

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Labor’s Days Explained

SYMBOLIC “HOLIDAYS”
Not usually considered a union-friendly society, the United States recently celebrated its 109th annual Labor Day. In recent years Labor Day is mostly a matter of picnics and barbecues, but it could be more. We had our own enthusiastic observation of labor’s vital role here in Champaign-Urbana. For the second year in a row, the Champaign County Federation of Labor sponsored a successful Labor Day parade and related festivities at West Side Park. Champaign’s Labor Day parade, successfully resurrected last year after many years of dormancy, is on its way to becoming a new tradition. The event had all the requisite high school bands and trucks, as well as signs and banners conveying Labor’s political agenda and issues of vital concern like the Living Wage. What we did not have was much discussion of what is actually happening to Labor in the United States (or Champaign-Urbana) at the beginning of a new century. Everyone had a good time, but did we really understand what we were doing?

By far the most important workers’ holiday internationally is May Day — the first day of May, not the first Monday in September. We also have an annual celebration of this more radical holiday in town with speeches on the Quad by folks from labor and socialist groups and post-modern protest music by Paul Kottheimer, who manages to blend the historic with the funky. The Altgeld Hall chimes, normally reserved for patriotic airs and Illini fight songs, ring out with the Internationale and picket line tunes.

These two holidays have different origins and meanings. Surprisingly perhaps, it’s radical May Day that has the firmest roots here in the Midwest. How did we get two different holidays and what do they represent?


MAY DAY

Celebrated for centuries in many parts of the world as a time of rebirth, May Day had its own rebirth as a worker’s holiday in the late nineteenth century — not in Europe but out on the Illinois prairies. Throughout the 1880s workers poured into labor reform organizations, demanding equal rights and a curb on corporate power.

The Knights of Labor symbolized, and to a considerable degree, organized this great labor upsurge. Pursuing a program of education, self-improvement, workers’ cooperatives, electoral politics, and ultimately, the abolition of the wage labor system, the Knights captured the imaginations of American workers and reformers. They recruited nearly a million workers by 1886, including thousands in Illinois manufacturing and mining towns. A newer smaller organization, the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions (later renamed the American Federation of Labor) focused on trade union organization and strikes, particularly among skilled male workers.

When the nascent Federation called for a general strike on May 1, 1886 in support of the radical demand for an Eight-Hour Day, the Knights, a variety of socialist and anarchist groups, and workers throughout the country joined the movement. The response was particularly strong in midwestern industrial cities and coal mining towns, however, and the movement found its heart in Chicago where about 80,000 workers struck, crippling the city’s industries.

Police and industrialists moved quickly, attacking workers and their organizations. On May 3, police fired into the ranks of Eight-Hour strikers at the International Harvester Works, killing at least two and wounding many more. The International Working Peoples’ Association, an anarchist group, called a protest meeting for the next day at Haymarket, the city’s wholesale market area just west of the Loop. When a bomb exploded killing one policeman and mortally wounding others, the cops opened fire. The fusillade killed one protester instantly and wounded several other people, including policemen. The “Haymarket Riot” signaled a massive attack on labor and civil liberties. The contemporary press was full of the term “anarchist,” which was used loosely in somewhat the same fashion that the word “terrorist” is employed today — to associate dissidents and radicals in the public mind with meaningless violence. A fear gripped respectable society, providing support for an extreme political reaction that helped employers to break the back of the radical labor movement in Chicago and elsewhere around the country.

Eight labor radicals were eventually convicted of a “conspiracy” leading to the “riot”. In fact, there was no evidence that any of them were responsible for the violence at Haymarket. Rather, their crime was to demand basic rights for American workers and to project the vision for a new, more democratic society. Four of these men were hanged in November 1887 and another committed suicide in his cell. The remaining four were imprisoned but later pardoned in 1893 by Governor John Peter Altgeld, who noted the striking lack of evidence against them and the hysteria that surrounded their trial. (Altgeld, who advanced the vision of a great democratic “peoples’ university” in Champaign-Urbana, is fondly remembered by some at the University of Illinois as a supportive governor who opened the way for a variety of new programs by vastly expanding the university’s budget.) Altgeld’s courageous pardon ended his political career.

Throughout the world, the “Chicago Martyrs” became the focal point for labor protests, and May Day emerged as the international working class holiday, proclaimed as such officially by the Socialist International in 1889. Even in the U.S., the Depression era witnessed large May Day parades and celebrations in Chicago, New York and other cities. Just after World War Two, with millions of American workers once again on strike, the European Left gathering steam, and the Cold War just beginning, Congress declared May First “Loyalty Day” in 1947 – a clear effort to displace the popular radicalism associated with the celebration. Throughout the Cold War years the communist regimes did their part to discredit May Day by rolling around tanks and missiles and displaying their armies out on Red Square and Tiananmen Square. For them, it became a day to confront the swelling American military machine with their own power. In the United States during the 1950s, May Day marchers were equated with the international communist conspiracy and often attacked. Not surprisingly, the May Day tradition declined here. Still, workers took to the streets in most other parts of the world on May First, which they continued to claim as their own.

LABOR DAY

Labor Day was established as an official holiday by act of Congress and signed into law in September 1894 by President Grover Cleveland – the same Grover Cleveland who had dispatched Federal troops to Chicago and other railroad towns to crush the Pullman Strike just two months earlier. Labor Day is usually thought of as a conservative alternative to May Day, and it was certainly promoted as such during our various Red Scares and the Cold War. But Labor Day too has deep roots in the workers’ movement. Long before Congressional action, New York’s Central Labor Union launched a “Great Labor Parade” on September 1, 1882 and the event gradually spread through the labor movement. Based particularly on the trade unions, Labor Day lacked the radical vision of May Day, but it was originally intended by labor activists to demonstrate both the power and the grievances of organized workers. Unions took the opportunity to outline their program – shorter working hours, for example, and the legal right to organize and bargain collectively. It’s not the founders’ fault if the holiday has lapsed into baseball tournaments and long-winded speeches by political candidates representing business – not labor – interests.
CONCLUSION
For a long time now, American labor has embraced this more conservative tradition and run away from its radical past. But if labor’s celebrations have any significance beyond hot dogs and patriotic music, it lies in this history and the lessons we might find there. Weakened and under almost constant attack by business and conservative politicians, the time for labor complacency is long past. Workers need to maintain their own traditions and culture and employ them to help reinvigorate the movement. A new, more diverse and progressive labor movement can still emerge from the vision embodied in the histories of Labor Day and May Day. If the new labor movement springs once again from fertile fields of the prairies, this would be only fitting.

Although an academic, Jim Barrett, who comes from a blue collar Chicago family (his Dad was a policeman), has never abandoned his roots. He even teaches a course specifically on “Chicago” as part of the undergraduate curriculum in History. His area of interest is broadly defined as Labor History but specifically he’s interested radical politics, immigration, and race relations of working class populations. His current research, with David Roediger, focuses on relations between the Irish who settled in industrial cities and how they influenced other immigrant populations of Eastern Europeans who would settle later. They are looking at the non-institutionalized ways of being indoctrinated into “American-ism.” Ways such as street gangs and labor unions. His partner at home, Jenny Barrett, shares his interest in unions. She is an organizer for the Union for Academic Professionals on campus. They have lived in Champaign since 1984. They always thought they would eventually retire back to Chicago. Jim says that lately they have been thinking that living is pretty easy right here in C-U.

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A Review of Civil Liberties One Year After 9/11

As the failed hunt for Osama Bin Laden gives way to preparations for the invasion of Iraq, and as the passing of a year of mourning gives way to commercial exploitation and political opportunism, many Americans are beginning to realize that one of our most pressing duties is to protect the Constitution from the Patriot Act. Ponderously titled “An Act to Deter and Punish Terrorist Acts in the United States and Around the World, to Enhance Law Enforcement Investigatory Tools, and for Other Purposes,” the Act amounts to the most drastic revision of US civil liberties since the shameful Espionage Acts of 1917 and 1918. The Act’s final phrase, “and for Other Purposes,” sounds ominously like a blank check for government intervention. As various essays in the Public-i have noted throughout the past year, federal authorities have not hesitated to use that blank check to imprison immigrants and harass peace activists and dissident journalists. Nonetheless, the courageous work of supporters of liberty and justice has triggered a national debate regarding the Patriot Act. Focusing on recent developments, what follows is a review of this ongoing debate and its impact on the First, Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Amendments.

The First Amendment: Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

Given the vitriol of John Ashcroft, including his infamous claim before the Senate Judiciary Committee that anyone criticizing the government “only aids terrorists, for they erode our national unity and diminish our national resolve,” many observers assumed in the months following 9/11 that the First Amendment was in dire jeopardy (see Ashcroft’s testimony in NY Times, 7 Dec 01). The shrill unison of the mass media and the restrictive use of “press pools” in war region coverage has also led many observers to argue that even without official forms of censorship public debate about the War on Terrorism is so circumscribed that it mocks the robust exchange of ideas envisioned in the First Amendment. But in a wonderful turn of events that again shows the strength of democracy in America, a diverse chorus of voices has risen to champion the First Amendment and to question the heavy-handed powers granted in the Patriot Act.

The case of Rabih Haddad is instructive. Haddad is a Lebanese Muslim clergyman active in Ann Arbor with the Global Relief Foundation, a group charged by the Justice Department with (but as yet not proven guilty of) supporting terrorist activity. Combining this assumed link to terrorists with the fact that Haddad’s tourist visa had expired, federal agents arrested Haddad on December 14, 2001, and initiated secret deportation hearings. Although still technically innocent, Haddad has nonetheless been in custody for over nine months. The Detroit News and Metro Times (a solid weekly arts and politics paper roughly the equivalent of a combination of our CU City View and Public-i) appealed for the right to cover the hearings, charging that secret proceedings clashed with the First Amendment’s prohibition on abridging the freedom of the press. When the newspaper’s request was denied they joined forces with Congressman John Conyers, Jr. (MI, Dem) and the American Civil Liberties Union’s Immigration Rights Project and sued. The Federal District Court in Detroit overturned the District Court’s decision, which in turn prompted Ashcroft to appeal to the United States Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals, based in Cincinnati. In its remarkable decision rejecting Ashcroft’s appeal the Court wrote that “The First Amendment, through a free press, protects the peoples’ right to know that their government acts fairly, lawfully and accurately in deportation proceedings. When government begins closing doors, it selectively controls information rightfully belonging to the people. Selective information is misinformation” (NY Times, 27 August 02). In yet another blow to Ashcroft’s dream of establishing a post-Constitutional police state, Judge Nancy Edmunds of the Federal District Court in Detroit ruled recently that either Ashcroft would have to raise formal charges against Haddad in an open court of law or release him within ten days (NY Times, 18 September 02).

These decisions recognize that free speech is useless without meaningful information and that secret hearings contradict the spirit of public scrutiny enshrined in the Constitution. Similar sentiments have been echoed in cases in New Jersey and Washington, thus demonstrating not only that free speech is alive and well but that the Patriot Act’s ham-fisted assault on civil liberties may provoke Constitution-defending courts to expand our understanding of the First Amendment (see Edward Klaris in The Nation, 10 June 02). The lesson here, then, is that activists should continue using alternative media outlets such as WEFT, the Public-i, and the Champaign-Urbana Independent Media Center to fight for peace and justice in full confidence that their First Amendment rights will be defended in the courts as the truest form of patriotism.

The Fourth Amendment: The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

The Patriot Act administers a beating to the Fourth Amendment. For example, in Section 213, “Authority for Delaying Notice of the Execution of a Warrant,” the Act amends the traditional understanding of the Fourth Amendment to grant the court serving a warrant the right to delay notice “if the court finds reasonable cause to believe that providing immediate notification of the execution of the warrant may have an adverse result.” Translated, that means that your Fourth Amendment right to be secure in your persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches is dead. Indeed, the bulk of Title II of the Act, entitled “Enhanced Surveillance Procedures,” grants the federal government almost limitless powers “to intercept wire, oral, and electronic communications relating to terrorism” (that’s the heading of Section 201).

The key to triggering these powers is the government’s ability to argue the “probable” threat of terrorist activity. Leaving aside the slippery nature of the term “probable,” measuring the Act’s impact on the Fourth Amendment essentially hinges on its definition of terrorism. In subsection F.IV of Section 411, “Definitions Relating to Terrorism,” the Act defines “terrorist activity” as covering anyone or any group that attempts “to commit or to incite to commit, under circumstances indicating an intention to cause death or serious bodily injury, a terrorist activity; to prepare or plan a terrorist activity; to gather information on potential targets for terrorist activity; or to solicit funds or other things of value for a terrorist activity.” This definition seems clear and sensible, but a more ominous definition is given in Section 802, where domestic terrorism is defined as any activity that is intended “to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion.” Are strikes a form of coercion? Are non-violent acts of social disobedience acts of intimidation or coercion?

We may answer that question in part by turning to President Bush’s executive order authorizing military tribunals, where he defined a terrorist as any non-US citizen who “has engaged in, aided or abetted, or conspired to commit, acts of international terrorism, or acts in preparation therefore . . . to cause injury to or adverse effects on the US, its citizens, national security, foreign policy, or economy” (NY Times, 14 Nov. 01). Although specifically targeting non-US citizens, it is clear that applying this broad definition of terrorism to the Patriot Act’s assault on search and seizure policy means that anyone working against US foreign policy may find their phones tapped, or that anyone protesting the WTO may find their email monitored, or that anyone protesting at nuclear missile sites may be held without warrant as a terrorist threatening national security. In short, the language defining terrorism is so broad—who defines “adverse effects”?—that it grants federal authorities a frighteningly wide range of options for turning protesters into terrorists and thus people for whom, according to the Patriot Act, traditional Fourth Amendment protections no longer apply.

The only oversight for these powers is the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court of Review (FISA-CR), a three-member panel empowered to hear appeals regarding the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISA), an 11-member group established in 1978 to oversee government requests for wiretaps and other means of intelligence gathering above and beyond normal legal procedures. Although FISA has approved more than 10,000 such requests over the past twenty years without rejecting even one—a remarkable record of rubber-stamping government intervention!—it nonetheless argued in a memorandum dated 17 May 2002 that the FBI had committed “errors in some 75 FISA applications related to major terrorist attacks.” Furthermore, FISA observed in this memorandum that “In virtually every instance, the government’s misstatements and omissions in FISA applications and violations of the Court’s orders involved information sharing and unauthorized disseminations to criminal investigators and prosecutors.” Translated, this means that even FISA, a super-secretive Court with a history of approving wire-taps and other forms of government intervention, finds that Ashcroft has sought to use Patriot Act powers to bridge the gap between foreign intelligence operations and domestic criminal investigations, and to do so by lying repeatedly (FISA’s memorandum is available on-line at http://news.findlaw.com/cnn/docs/terrorism/fisa51702opn.pdf).

By denying Ashcroft’s grab for more snooping authority FISA has led Ashcroft to appeal to the higher FISA-CR (see NY Times, 23 August 02 and 27 August 02). If FISA-CR upholds FISA’s refusal of Ashcroft’s request then Ashcroft’s last resort would be an appeal to the Supreme Court, hence bringing these issues regarding surveillance and the Fourth Amendment to the attention of the highest court in the land. Given the recent election debacle, however, it is hard to place any faith in the Supreme Court, meaning that activists concerned with protecting the Fourth Amendment should make use of the free speech rights discussed above to make these hearings part of our larger push to derail Ashcroft’s hijacking of the Constitution.

For brevity’s sake I will discuss the Fifth and Sixth Amendments together:

The Fifth Amendment: No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb, nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of the law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

The Sixth Amendment: In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed; which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witness against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining Witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defense.

The most obvious blow to the Fifth and Sixth Amendments has been the FBI’s relentless dragnet for terrorists. The Justice Department reported recently that 1,200 suspects were arrested in the weeks following 9/11, that 750 of them were held on immigration violations, and that all but 74 of these 750 have since been expelled from the country (NY Times, 11 July 02). Thus the federal government uses INS technicalities to justify what amounts to sweeps through immigrant communities where the Fifth and Sixth Amendments appear to be dead. David Cole reports that the number of detainees may be as high as 2,000 (see The Nation, 23 September 02 and Amnesty Now, Spring 02), while Amy Goodman has repeatedly argued on “Democracy Now” (the Pacifica news show, available on WEFT, 90.1 FM, every weekday at 4:00) that there have been as many as 3,000 arrests in the New York City area alone.

Consider the case of the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA), the lone source of appeal for anyone caught in such INS-swathed War on Terror deportation proceedings. Currently a 19-member board, Ashcroft has just announced that he is slashing the BIA back to 11 members. Typically handling as many as 30,000 cases per year, Ashcroft has ordered the BIA to clear its backlogged cases by March of 2003, leaving the now reduced BIA roughly five months to handle an overwhelming number of cases. Do the math: if the BIA has to hear even 20,000 cases by next March, with 11 members serving, then that means that each judge will need to decide on 363 cases per month, 91 per week, 18 per day, 2 per hour (assuming a nine hour work day). This means that the Patriot Act grants the government the authority to make arrests where the only recourse, if lucky, is 30 minutes before an over-worked BIA judge. Additionally, Deidre Davidson reports that last year 36% of those who appeared before the BIA had no legal counsel, thus directly violating the Sixth Amendment (see “Immigration Rights Community Outraged,” available at www.talkleft.com).

As ordered by Ashcroft, then, the BIA cannot possibly function as a court that honors due process or that provides defendants the aid of legal counsel. In short, thousands of immigrants are being deported at the whim of federal agents, thus practicing precisely the kind of unilateral and extra-judicial state powers that the Fifth and Sixth Amendments were meant to protect against. Nonetheless, as Champaign activists learned this summer when AWARE organized mutual aid for Ahmed Bensouda, grassroots pressure can shed light on such injustices and make it clear to federal authorities that we will not stand idly by while they arrest our neighbors.

Checks and Balances in the Balance
The news on civil liberties one year after 9/11 is therefore complicated and contested.

Ashcroft’s attack on the BIA is clearly intended to destroy the possibility of checks and balances regarding immigrant deportation hearings, yet as the Haddad case demonstrates, US courts may not roll over as easily as Ashcroft and Bush may have hoped. A similar power struggle is evident in recent Washington gamesmanship. Suspecting as we all do that Ashcroft is attempting to circumvent the rule of law, the House Judiciary Committee (HJC) has recently requested information from the Justice Department regarding its handling of Patriot Act powers. The Justice Department has responded by sending written answers not to the HJC but to the House Intelligence Committee (HIC) (see NY Times, 15 August 02, A14). This misdirection is politically important, for the generally critical HJC plans to hold hearings into the response to 9/11, whereas the in-bed-with-the-administration HIC does not. In effect, then, the Justice Department has sent its answers to a dead letter office, to a bureaucratic black hole where no one will study their response. The HJC could therefore use support from activists in making an even more forceful and public push to make the Justice Department submit to the lawful process of checks and balances.

As always, then, it is up to grassroots activists to use their First Amendment rights to hold the government accountable. Indeed, more than ever the old motto “use ‘em or lose ‘em” appears to be true: for democracy in America to survive, now is the time to make some noise.

For more printed information on these topics see the most recent press releases from the American Civil Liberties Union at www.aclu.org, the materials collected under “Justice and Human Rights” by Amnesty International at www.amnestyusa.org/usacrisis, and the documents under “Homefront Confidential” by The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press at www.rcfp.org; for audio updates listen to “Democracy Now” on WEFT, 90.1 FM, Monday through Friday from 4:00-5:00 and “Free Speech Radio,” also on WEFT, every Monday through Friday from 5:00-5:30; to get involved locally log on to www.anti-war.net.

Stephen Hartnett is Assistant Professor of Speech Communication at The University of Illinois. He is the author of Democratic Dissent & The Cultural Fictions of Antebellum America, which recently won the Winans and Wichelns Memorial Award for Distinguished Scholarship in Rhetoric and Public Address. He is co-author with Robert James Branham of Sweet Freedom’s Song: “My Country Tis of Thee” and Democracy in America. His first book of poems, Democracy is Difficult: Investigative Prison Poems, will be published this spring. He has taught college in prisons for nine years and has spent the past four years working on The Waiting Room, an interactive art installation organized around community conversations about the death penalty. He is married to Brett Kaplan, and lives in Champaign, where he is a member of The Teachers for Peace and Justice.

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April Brings Shower of Local Arts

April is a busy time for artists and art enthusiasts in Champaign and Urbana. The Octopus-sponsored Art Walk will take place the weekend of April 19 and 20. This is an opportunity for local artists, galleries, and businesses to be spotlighted, as community members and fellow artists meander from one gallery to another sampling all kinds of art from painting to sculpture to performance. This year’s second annual Art Walk will be held in various venues around Champaign and Urbana, including the Krannert Museum on the University of Illinois campus.
Artists Against Aids will also host a local show and benefit on April 26 and 27. Since the foregoing events will no doubt be amply covered by the Octopus, we present here a brief encapsulation of two other demonstrations of community artistic talent that will likewise be taking place in April.
At the Independent Media Center, 218 W. Main Street in downtown Urbana, local artist Sandra Ahten will host a one-woman mixed media display entitled “I Want to Change the World -But I Can’t Get Out of The House”. Ahten displays paintings, drawings, crocheted sculpture, and prints, as well as handmade dolls, books and masks that in some way relate to her own ongoing personal dilemma suggested by the title of the show. The chaotic assemblage of artwork is characteristic, as Ahten expresses it, “of the chaos experienced as one tries to juggle a life filled with such things as social justice activism, self-help and introspection, and the simultaneous burden and glory of femininity and domesticity.”
Ahten’s show dates run from April 19 through May 12 during regular IMC hours: weekdays from 4 to 9 pm, and Saturday and Sunday from noon to 9 pm. The official opening of the show will be on Friday April 19 from 4 to 8 pm and Saturday April 20 from noon to 4 pm. On Friday April 19 at 7:30 pm there will be a short talk by the artist, followed by a facilitated discussion, on the subject of “How to Change the World and Still Take Care of Yourself”.
Yet another show in April, entitled “Eleutheria”, promises to be eclectic and profound. It all began with an ad in the Octopus soliciting artists to participate in a small show. Four people answered the ad. Those four artists knew a few more, and soon a group of approximately fourteen local artists had come together to plan a display of their various works. Eleutheria will open on the weekend of April 19 and 20 in downtown Champaign, and will close on the following weekend.
“Eleutheria”, the word, is the name of an island in the Caribbean reputed to be a utopian paradise. The artists agreed that this name characterizes their various pieces of art as well as the inspiration behind them. Because the show is non-juried, the works shown in Eleutheria will represent the passions and priorities of each artist. When asked whether they had an overall concept for the show, these artists indicated that while they had considered and rejected a more explicit theme or set of preconceived criteria, their collaborative effort could be best be described simply as inclusive and diverse.
This spirit will surely be reflected in the variety of works and media they have chosen to display at the show. Sitting down for a cup of coffee with five artists, I learned within two minutes about several widely different styles and projects. On display at Eleutheria will be a set of color photographs by co-organizer Andrew Dolph exploring urban sprawl and rural environmental issues like lake toxicity. Another artist uses contemporary politics as his inspiration, and yet another does abstract digital art. Working to evoke visceral responses primarily to issues of the body, Lori Caterini -another dedicated organizer of Eleutheria -creates temporary sculpture using materials such as ice, dry ice, water condensation, and ash. Her sculpture for this show will progressively melt, denoting the mutability and ephemeral quality of the human condition.
Finding an appropriate space to display wall hangings, floor sculptures, pedestal art, and perhaps glass cases took finesse, finance, and unrecompensed elbow grease for the organizers of Eleutheria. The old Lox, Stock, and Bagel building was offered to them in exchange for some cleaning and moving. Before even thinking of heat and lighting, the artists spent many exhausting hours sweeping and mopping, while envisioning a revitalized landscape for their work. The run-down brick, boarded windows, and dusty corners of two large sunlit rooms will be transformed as inspired art moves in. The tediousness of planning, coordinating, and organizing Eleutheria, while maintaining a vision of “utopia”, makes this small committed group quite an impressive bunch.
The gallery hours for Eleutheria will be 4-10 pm Friday April 19 and 12-6 pm Saturday April 20, as well as 6-10 pm Friday April 26 and 5-10 pm Saturday April 27. The gallery is located at 120 North Neil Street in downtown Champaign

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The Ogoni Struggle in Nigeria

Nigeria was a colony of Great Britain from the turn of the twentieth century until 1960. It is about 1/3 larger than the state of Texas, but is by far the most populous country in Africa with over 120 million people. There are about 250 distinct ethnic groups in the country, each with its own language. Perhaps ten million people from twelve major ethnic groups live in the Niger Delta. Among them are the Ogoni, a group of perhaps 500,000 who live right in the oil fields. Before proceeding, I want to point out that I use the term “ethnic group” rather than “tribe” quite deliberately. Perhaps Africans would feel better about the way Westerners use the term “tribe” if we also applied it to the European people in the former Yugoslavia or similar cases elsewhere. “Tribe” has a negative connotation implying “primitive.” Such conceptions immediately call up stereotypical conceptions of “tribal” warfare, negating the need for rigorous analysis of political and economic factors behind events.
Nigeria is the world’s eighth largest producer of oil, but most of its people remain poor, lacking running water, health care, and other social services. Counter-intuitively, oil riches often bring trouble rather than prosperity. Oil wealth is often kept in the hands of the few, a national elite allied with transnational corporations, such as Shell Oil in Ogoniland and Chevron in other areas of the Niger Delta. Mobil is also present in other areas of the country. Shell produces half of Nigeria’s oil, 14% of Shell’s worldwide production, $300 billion worth since 1958. As in other oil rich countries, US power has propped up successive dictatorships, i.e., governments friendly to transnational corporations and the Western powers. One of the most brutal military dictators, General Ibrahim Babangida, received military training in the US. The United States is Nigeria’s largest oil market, consuming 40% of Nigeria’s oil production. Nigeria is the fifth largest oil supplier to the US providing 10% of US needs. Nigeria is the largest US trading partner in Africa south of the Sahara.

The Ogoni Struggle
Great Britain completed its subjugation of Nigeria in 1906, but Shell Oil didn’t appear until 1958, two years before political independence. As other Nigerians, the Ogoni suffered through many military regimes. Repression intensified under General Babangida who took power in 1985. For example, the Etche community, neighbors of the Ogoni, suffered 80 killed and 495 houses burned down in 1990 for daring to protest around their environmental concerns.
The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) came to the fore around this time. This grassroots organization was led by one of Nigeria’s most famous writers, Ken Saro-Wiwa. MOSOP issued its Ogoni Bill of Rights in 1990, 1/3which called for community control over its own resources and autonomy over its own affairs. It looked like military rule would finally come to end when Moshood Abiola was elected on June 12, 1993 but General Sani Abacha took power instead. Abiola was eventually sent to prison and ended up dying there under very suspicious circumstances. Meanwhile the Ogoni people were still suffering the devastation of their polluted land. The Nigerian dictatorship was spending about $15 million per year on public relations in the United States, and organized propaganda tours for prominent African-Americans including Illinois Senator Carol Moseley-Braun (a factor in her eventual election defeat).
Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other MOSOP activists were convicted by secret military tribunal of killing some community leaders in 1995 on clearly fraudulent charges. They were sent to prison. Ken’s brother, Dr. Owens Wiwa, then met with Shell’s Managing Director, Brian Anderson. Shell’s role came out into the open when Anderson guaranteed saving Saro-Wiwa’s life if MOSOP would call off its campaign. Nelson Mandela called for the release of Saro-Wiwa and urged sanctions against Nigeria at the Commonwealth Conference. But on November 10, 1995, during the conference, Abacha had Ken Saro-Wiwa and the other eight MOSOP members executed. It was obvious that Abacha could not have cared less about international opinion. This led to a worldwide sanctions movement and Shell boycott, including in Champaign/Urbana. Members of our community picketed the Shell Gas Station, then on the corner of Green and Neil Streets. As with the current sweatshop movement, this is an example of local movements at the point of production working with local movements at the point of consumption, a necessary strategy in the globalized world. The main organizations promoting the struggle against Shell were Greenpeace, the Sierra Club, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and many churches. Unfortunately little changed for the Ogoni people. Abacha arranged for an illegal $500,000 contribution to Clinton election campaign in 1996 and the US adopted a policy of “constructive engagement,” just as President Reagan had done with South Africa where Shell had broken the oil embargo against the apartheid regime. Just as depicted in the Delta Force video, pipeline breaks continued, and some of them were actually caused by local people who siphoned off the oil to make a meager living. A 1998 pipeline valve break and subsequent fire killed 1000 people who were trying to retrieve oil while wading in it. Shell admitted spilling 50,200 barrels in 1998. Due to massive protests, Shell suspended it operations in Ogoniland, leaving its infrastructure intact and continuing operations in neighboring provinces. The assassination of dictator Abacha in 1998 led to calls for installation of Abiola, winner of the 1993 elections, as President. Abacha’s successor, General Abubakar offered freedom to Abiola, only on the condition that he give up his claim to the Presidency. Mysteriously, Abiola died during a visit from an official US delegation which had come to convince him to give up his election. The military explained his death as a heart attack. In May of the following year, 1999, another general, Olusegun Obasanjo, was elected in what most think was a fair election. With the promise of stability, US aid went from $7 million to $170 million per year. In 1999, Shell further damaged the Nigerian environment by spilling 123,377 barrels of oil. And it is still trying to resume its former operations in Ogoniland–and even to open new oil fields offshore. In April 2000, security forces killed 5 people and burned 20 homes during a peaceful protest against Shell’s attempt to resume operations. In June 2000, a court ordered $40 million compensation to Ebubu village for river pollution, but Shell is appealing. In August 2000, thugs attacked Korokoro village where Shell was trying to restart work. Federal troops destroyed Odi Town and killed 42 in November 2000. Another pipeline explosion killed 50 in December 2000. Finally, in November 2002, there was a community meeting with the Nigerian Government to negotiate a settlement for Ogoni claims. It remains to be seen whether or not the Government will honor the agreement.

Nigeria, International Oil Politics, and the “War on Terrorism”
The relationship between oil and “terrorism of course extends well beyond the terrorism directed against the Ogoni people by Nigerian dictators at the behest of the Nigerian elite and Shell Oil. Indeed, the Nigerian case is a great help in understanding the current world situation and the US “War against Terrorism.” The Caspian Sea in Central Asia may have more oil than the Persian Gulf. In 1995, Unocal Oil decided that it needed a pipeline from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan and Pakistan to the Arabian Sea, but the Taliban were not cooperative. Unocal Oil hosted Taliban delegates in Texas in 1997 and gave an initial $1 million for a job-training program in Kandahar. Unocal eventually spent about $20 million on this project, but they were hedging their bets by also hosting some of the Northern Alliance warlords. In 1998 testimony before the US Congress, a Unocal official said, “If the Taliban leads to stability and international recognition, then its positive.” A September 2001 US Energy Information Administration (a federal agency) document issued before September 11th noted Afghanistan’s key position for the needed pipeline in its first paragraph. Of course, oil doesn’t explain everything about the US war against Afghanistan, but it is an important component.
Postscript This article follows on a December 2001 IMC event, a benefit for the new Nigerian IMC. We had live African music and a showing of the video, Delta Force, about the struggle of the Ogoni people of Nigeria against Shell Oil and the Nigeria Government. For those who would like to see it, a copy of the video is available in the IMC Library at 218 W. Main St. in Urbana. Al Kagan is the African Studies Bibliographer at the University of Illinois Library.

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Earth Day These Days

“[O]n April 22, 1970, Earth Day was held, one of the most remarkable happenings in the history of democracy…”
American Heritage Magazine, October 1993

Earth Day, April 22, 1970. A beautiful spring day. Twenty million Americans converge on a Wednesday, a day chosen so as not to conflict with studentsí weekend plans or final exams. Pete Seeger performs at the Washington Monument. Traffic is routed around New Yorkís Fifth Avenue so that Earth Day events can be held. Protests, rallies, marches, and parades take place across the country. In Urbana-Champaign, Students for Environmental Controls (SECS) -later renamed Students for Environmental Concerns coordinates an Environmental Crisis Week.
Nobody planned for Earth Day to become a recurring event. For SECS, regular annual Earth Day celebrations didn’t begin until 1982.
Harry S. Dent, in his book The Roaring 2000s, uses the environmental movement to illustrate what he calls the economic “S-curve”. In this paradigm, a new idea or product first gains support slowly, then suddenly surges upward in momentum until it eventually becomes “mainstream”, at which time its support levels off. In his charts, support for the environmental movement climbed gradually upward in the 1960s and 1970s, surged in the 1980s, and leveled off in the 1990s. If Dent’s paradigm is true, many environmentalists would be dismayed to learn that their cause has reached that “mainstream” level, since there still seems to be a lot of progress that needs to be made.
The way Earth Day is currently celebrated is a great indicator of the changes that have happened to the environmental movement in the last 32 years. Perhaps some of these changes have occurred because many people have forgotten the original purpose of Earth Day. For example, in his Earth Day speech last year, President Bush declared, “On April 22 each year for more than three decades, Americans have paused on Earth Day to celebrate the rich blessings of our nationís natural resources and to take stock of our stewardship of nature’s gifts.”
That seems a strange way to describe what Earth Dayís founder, Gaylord Nelson, described as “a nationwide grassroots demonstration on behalf of the environment”, or as many have called it, the first environmental protest. Earth Day was arguably the birth of the modern environmental movement. At the very least it marked a significant change in environmentalism, from “conservationists” endeavoring to protect natural areas to protesters rallying to protect people and the environment from unseen dangers such as DDT, lead, and other pollutants.
The original purpose of Earth Day was certainly not to celebrate the blessings of our natural resources (environmentalists do that every day), but to join together in demonstrating to those in power that they were doing a poor job of protecting and maintaining the clean environment that many people value so dearly, and that ultimately is essential to life itself. As Christine Todd Whitman, the current administrator of the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), has stated, “That first Earth Day launched an unprecedented national movement to correct decades of environmental degradation, destruction, and damage.”
Mr. Nelson, who “organized” the first Earth Day celebration, came up with the vision of “a huge grassroots protest over what was happening to our environment.” According to him, “Earth Day worked because of the spontaneous response at the grassroots level. We had neither the time nor the resources to organize 20 million demonstrators, and the thousands of schools and local communities that participated. That was the remarkable thing about Earth Day. It organized itself.”
Many of the focal issues at the first Earth Day were those that were life-threatening. Citizens demanded laws regulating such things as pesticides, radioactive and other hazardous wastes, and air and water pollution in order to prevent human death. Some also called for recycling programs and bottle bills. In the 1970s, almost everyone wanted environmental changes.
Republicans and Democrats agreed that environmental reforms were needed. Richard Nixon created the EPA in 1970; in the same year, lead was banned from paint. The 1970s saw the passing of the Clean Water Act, the Safe Drinking Water Act, the first fuel economy standards, hazardous waste regulations, and the Clean Air Act. Other events in the decade were environmental emergencies such as the OPEC oil embargo, the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant accident, and the discovery of severe dioxin contamination at Love Canal, New York.
Today, more than 200 million people in 140 countries celebrate Earth Day. National and international organizations, local school and community groups, governmental bodies, and even some businesses and corporations celebrate the day on which the first major environmental protest was held. Yet actual progress on environmental issues is glacially slower than it was in the 1970s. The US government”s commitment to positive environmental policy initiatives seems to have been virtually abandoned -especially under the current administration. Very few major environmental laws have been enacted in the past few years.
Plenty of environmental concerns still exist, but environmental problems are often less tangible and seemingly more intractable than they have been in the past. An example would be the proposed drilling for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Environmentalists have to convince the public to care about this precious natural place that most will never see. The same is true for global warming. People must be persuaded to change their behavior in order to prevent something whose consequences may be far in the future. On the one hand, a number of environmental issues are international in scope and require cooperative international solutions. At the opposite extreme, certain environmental problems require for their solution personal behavioral changes as well as changes in government policy. These changes are often difficult to achieve, and success is uncertain.
There’s still much work to be done to repair the degradation done to our environment. Many corporations continue to employ abysmal environmental practices, polluting throughout the world. A number of the regulations passed in the 1970s and 1980s need to be strengthened, broadened, and enforced more consistently.
Still, one of the best places to achieve an environmental victory is in your own back yard. Locally, environmentalists are working to expand the City of Champaign’s recycling ordinance, to restore prairie areas, to encourage the use of renewable energy, to combat sprawl, and to increase environmental education.
This year’s local Earth Day celebration, hosted by Students for Environmental Concerns, will be held on the Quad at the University of Illinois on Sunday, April 21 from 12 to 6 pm. For more information, you can contact Jennifer Walling at jwalling@uiuc.edu or Joanne Messerges at messerge@uiuc.edu.

Local Environmental Organizations
http://www.prairie.20m.com/Illinois.html This web site has a listing of many of the local environmental organizations.
Students for Environmental Concerns,
www.uiuc.edu/ro/secs ; contact jwalling@uiuc.edu
Earth Doctors,
www.uiuc.edu/ro/earthdocs ; contact messerge@uiuc.edu
Environmental Resources,
www.uiuc.edu/ro/er ; contact hayers@uiuc.edu or ebond@uiuc.edu
Red Bison,
www.uiuc.edu/ro/redbison ; contact meuchans@uiuc.edu
Community Heartland Pathways,
www.prairienet.org/heartland-pathways/heartlnd.htm ; contact dmonk@prairienet.org
Sierra Club Champaign
www.illinois.sierraclub.org/prairie
County Audubon Society,
www.web-makers.com/audubon/ ; contact j-chato@uiuc.edu
Prairie Greens,
www.prairienet.org/greens/ ; contact greens@prairienet.org
Illinois Student Environmental Network,
www.isenonline.org ; contact isen@isenonline.org
Grand Prairie Friends,
www.prairienet.org/gpf/ ; contact gpf@prairienet.org

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Good to the Last Drop? Crisis for Coffee Growers Mandates Consumer Response

Since returning from Nicaragua I have closely followed the news from that region. The news has not been good. During the summer of 2000, I stayed with a family in Matagalpa who lived in a small wooden shack set in the thick green mountainside. The juxtaposition of extreme poverty alongside rich, fertile land stood as a vivid reminder that the legacy of colonialism and its modern manifestation, corporate exploitation, continues to severely constrict the lives of those living in Latin America today.
In the mornings I would walk with the children to a nearby river, and carry buckets of water to pour over rows of coffee plant seedlings. The children told me that it would be four years before the plants began to produce a crop. I wondered what, after years of painstaking care to produce this first crop, would be the compensation for their labor. From all I have read and seen, suffering and starvation may well be their only reward.
On Tuesday, August 28, 2001, a headline in the Seattle Post read, “Weak from Hunger, Nicaraguan Peasants Flee the Fields.” The article traced the journey of 480 campesinos who, fired from their jobs at Los Milagros coffee plantation, joined hundreds of others in a mass exodus from coffee-dependent communities. Across the country coffee refugees, without work and desperate for food, congregated in makeshift camps and wondered what to do. Despite promising rhetoric during the recent Presidential elections in Nicaragua, little has changed for the coffee growers.
Coffee is the second largest US import after oil, and the United States consumes one-fifth of the world’s coffee, making it the single largest coffee consumer in the world. But few Americans realize that agricultural workers in the coffee industry often toil in what can be described as “sweatshops in the fields.” The average coffee farmer earns less than $3.00 per day, less than what most Americans spend on coffee per day, and often less then the cost of growing it, forcing the farmer into a downward spiral of poverty and debt.
What has conspired to create this crisis? Many factors are at work. One that stands out is the push by the World Bank to invest heavily in Vietnamese coffee, which has in turn created a surplus in the market and left wholesale prices for coffee in a tailspin. In 1996 the wholesale price for Arabica coffee (high-grade coffee grown in Nicaragua) was $3 per pound, while today a pound sells for 51 cents. Worldwide wholesale coffee prices are currently well below the cost of production, causing massive unemployment and starvation among growers. Yet the average retail price for roasted coffee remains high. What gives?
Under the “free trade” economic model, so-called “developing” countries that are desperate for money appeal to the World Bank for assistance. Loans are granted, but only if certain conditions are met by the recipient country. These conditions include cutting social spending, privatizing the economy, eliminating regulations on foreign ownership of resources and businesses, eliminating tariffs, and re-orienting the economy from subsistence to exports. The “free trade” system is based on the mythology that if a country makes itself as hospitable as possible to foreign investment, even when this means weakening environmental and labor codes and prioritizing export commodities over food security, economic growth will occur. Unfortunately, the only thing that generally grows is the wealth of the multinational corporations, many of whose annual sales are greater than the entire Gross Domestic Products of the coffee-producing countries. “Free trade” is a bankrupt model that has led to greater economic inequality, environmental degradation, and social unrest throughout the world. Not surprisingly, George Bush’s administration continues to promote this failed policy with the Central American Free Trade Agreement. So long as our nation’s leaders continue down this misguided path, it is up to us as ordinary citizens to propose, create, and demand an alternative. Fair Trade offers us the opportunity to do just that.
As an alternative to unregulated “free trade”, a Fair Trade certification system has been developed which assures consumers that the coffee they drink was purchased under specified Fair Trade conditions. To become Fair Trade certified, an importer must meet stringent international criteria: pay a minimum price per pound of $1.26, provide much- needed credit to farmers, and offer technical assistance such as help in transitioning to organic farming. Fair Trade coffee is grown by approximately 300 farmer cooperatives in over 20 countries across Latin America, Africa, and Asia. According to TransFair, a non-profit third-party certification organization, in 2001 more than 550,000 farmers and their families earned a decent living in democratically-run Fair Trade certified cooperatives.
Wishing to support this effort, the Common Ground Food-Co-Op, a program of the Illinois Disciples Foundation, began work on a local Fair Trade Coffee Campaign in February of 2002. Since then we have produced a brochure to educate community members about the importance of Fair Trade. We are also in the process of creating a Champaign-Urbana Fair Trade Coffee Guide, which will list the addresses of local coffeehouses and bulk suppliers who offer Fair Trade Certified coffee. Equipped with this guide, both consumers and retailers will be empowered on a local level to participate in the creation of a more just global economy by purchasing only Fair Trade Certified coffee.
In addition, we will be sponsoring an educational forum on Fair Trade at the Illinois Disciples Foundation on May 1, International Workers Day. Keynote speaker for the event will be Jim Goetsch, a longtime Fair Trade activist with Friends of the Third World. Jim attended the first Alternative Trading Conference in 1977, helped found Three Rivers Co-Op in Indiana, and in 1983 helped organize the first importing of “fair trade” from Nicaragua as a protest against the Reagan/Bush embargo. Jim continues to work with Friends of the Third World, which partners with 80 grassroots cooperatives in 40 countries.
As you can see, we have ambitious goals for the upcoming month and hope you will join us in promoting this campaign. If you would like to learn more about how you or your organization can become involved in the local Fair Trade movement, please call 352-8721 and ask for Jill, Meridith, or Jamie.

Meridith Kruse is the Executive Director of the Illinois Disciples Foundation

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My Brief Foray into Capitalism

It was February 20, 2002, my first time in the state Capitol building. I was accompanying the 85% Coalition members, who were planning to sit in the gallery during Governor George Ryan’s State of the Budget address. Since recent legislation had made it illegal to carry signs or wear buttons in the Capitol, they were all wearing T-shirts bearing slogans promoting House Bill 101. HB101 would amend the Illinois Human Rights Act, which currently protects Illinois citizens against discrimination based on race, religion, ethnicity, gender, age, disability, marital status, and military status, to include sexual orientation.
I got my first taste of how things operate in the Capitol as I waited in line to sign in and go through the metal detectors with the rest of the Capitol visitors. As we waited patiently to get past the security checkpoint, well-groomed lobbyists flew past the preoccupied guards while flashing their laminated “Registered Lobbyist” passes, barely slowing their rapid stride to be bothered with the inconvenience.
Once past the guards, I strolled through the main corridor of the historic building. Bronze busts of famous Illinois politicians, oil paintings of prairie scenes, and booth after booth of lobbyist groups lined the majestic, high-ceilinged hall. It is now illegal for ordinary citizens or unlicensed groups to hand out any literature within the Capitol building, but the lobbyistsí booths were stacked high with pamphlets, brochures, and fact sheets touting the great advantages associated with things like tow truck unions and chemicals. I even got a beer holder from the Beer Distributors’ Association.
We weren’t there as casual tourists, though. The 85% Coalition was there to raise awareness for its cause, and I was there to cover the story. The last time they were in Springfield, Coalition members had been thrown into a paddy wagon for singing in the Capitol and charged with disturbing the peace and trespassing, so I didn’t know what to expect. The place was packed, but Meg, the trip’s group leader, had called the House Clerk’s office the day before to make sure that we would be able to sit in the gallery during the Governor’s speech. The clerk’s office assured her that if we got there early there would be public seating.
But the officers at the gallery entrance had a different story for us. There was absolutely no public seating, they said. The only way to get in was to have special passes that could be obtained only from certain legislators, and all those had been gone for quite some time. Thus began a frustrating and quixotic attempt to gain entrance into the General Assembly.
Since I was there as a member of the press, I figured that I might be able to use the First Amendment to my advantage. I first went to the House Clerk’s office, where I was told that I needed to go to the House Majority Leader’s office, because that was the office in charge of distributing press passes. That office in turn sent me to the press room, because they didn’t have any available passes. After some serious haggling about my credentials, the press room gave me a 2002 Capitol press pass, good for entrance to the balcony, where the rest of the press was gathered to cover the event.
Unfortunately, the balcony guards informed me that my pass was not valid, because everyone was required to have a special press pass good only for covering the State of the Budget address. When I angrily took my worthless press pass back to the press room and demanded to know how I could obtain the “special” pass, the person in charge of giving out the press passes told me that he had never heard of such a pass. “What office do you work for?” I inquired. His reply? “The House Clerk’s office.”
Despite all the official stonewalling, the 85% Coalition was determined to spread its message. Members stood in the rotunda outside the large doors leading to the General Assembly as news crews gathered, awaiting the grand entrance of the Governor. I noticed that Capitol police stood around unconcerned while a group of young churchgoers, definitely not Registered Lobbyists, actively distributed leaflets promoting their cause one of the activities that the homosexual rights group had been informed was strictly forbidden!
I was wondering who decides which laws get enforced and which laws get ignored in this building (wearing pins or buttons is illegal, but that rule didn’t seem to apply to American flags; I speculated what would happen to a person wearing an Afghan flag), when the crowd began rumbling. The shiny, gold elevator doors parted, and out stepped the Governor. Cameras flashed, and the crowd parted to make way for him on his way through the rotunda to his podium on the other side of the huge wooden doors. Then a funny thing happened.
Governor Ryan walked past the demonstrators, all lined up against the railing sporting their matching “Discrimination NO House Bill 101 YES” T-shirts, and stopped. He turned around, walked directly up to one beaming protester, and shook his hand. The news cameras rolled as the Governor of Illinois offered a few words of encouragement to a young, gay man, and then continued on his way.
Goal: exposure. Mission accomplished.

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85% Coalition Fights for 100% Equality Under Law

“You’re fired because you’re gay.”
This was the message Red Lobster sent Dale Hall, an associate manager at the Lincolnwood restaurant, in 1996. In Illinois, there is currently no state law prohibiting an employer from handing a worker a pink slip bearing the simple explanation, “Reason for dismissal: Employee is homosexual.” The Illinois Human Rights Act protects people, at least in theory, from discrimination based on race, religion, ethnicity, gender, age, disability, marital status, and military status. But it does not include sexual orientation.
Cook County’s Human Rights Act does contain a provision which includes sexual orientation, and it is the only reason Dale Hall got his job back. Following the decision of the Cook County Commission on Human Rights to award Hall damages, back pay, and interest, Red Lobster’s owners, the Darden Restaurant chain, tried to appeal by having the civil rights law declared unconstitutional. However, bowing to the threat of a boycott and a spate of negative publicity generated by gay rights advocacy groups, the company dropped its appeal.
In 1991, the Cracker Barrel restaurant chain issued a memo recommending the termination of employees “whose sexual preferences fail to demonstrate normal heterosexual values which have been the foundation of families in our societies.” Julie Davis, a Cracker Barrel representative, attributed the memo to “an erroneous statement issued by a vice president who was replaced.” But the eleven employees who were fired as a result of this “erroneous statement” were never rehired or offered compensation.
Only nine states and scattered counties in the United States offer legal protection against such discrimination. This means that if a lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgendered individual (LGBT) wants to minimize his or her chances of being denied housing or employment due to sexual orientation, (s)he must live in an area with a strong law prohibiting sexual orientation discrimination, or at least with a strong vocal opposition to such practices. Champaign County arguably has the latter, but not the former.
A primary voice for change in Champaign County and east central Illinois is the 85% Coalition. Explains the groupís co-founder Mary Lee Sargent, “The name comes from a 1998 University of Illinois-Springfield poll that asked, ‘Do you think there should or should not be equal rights for LGBT people in terms of job opportunities and housing?’ More than 85 percent responded ‘should be.'”
In February of 2001, members of the 85% Coalition were arrested at the Capitol building in Springfield while trying to convince lawmakers to add the sexual orientation provision to the Illinois Human Rights Act. (The Act, besides protecting against discrimination in employment and housing, also covers public accommodations and credit.) Their strategy was to bring pressure to bear by raising public awareness. “We can’t influence the legislators,” group member Meg Miner said, “but we can influence the people who vote for them by getting our cause media coverage.”
There were certainly cameras clicking during the incident that February, when six of the 85%ers were thrown into a paddy wagon at the Capitol. Their crime? Chanting “No, no, we won’t go / until we have equality! / We’re your daughters, we’re your sons! / Pass House Bill 101!”
“We were arrested for the equivalent of disturbing the peace, which we were prepared to accept, and trespassing, even though we were in a public forum with 75 other members of the public,” Miner said. “It went to trial and we were acquitted.” The demonstration and subsequent arrest did, however, receive the desired media coverage.
Demonstrations by the group have continued at a steady rate, with several occurring this spring in response to the impending June 30 deadline for passing new legislation in this year’s legislative session. 85% Coalition co-founder Kimberlie Kranich explained the need for continued direct action this way: “There is historical proof that social change doesn’t happen by asking.” In her view, the fiery feminists of the early twentieth century women’s suffrage movement, and the defiant blacks of the more recent civil rights movement, demonstrated that turning a conservative tide is not an easy task.
House Bill 101 (chief sponsor Larry McKeon, D-Chicago) faced consistently stiff opposition in its previous incarnation as House Bill 474. Representative Rick Winkel (R-Champaign) and both former and current Republican representatives from Urbana, Tim Johnson and Tom Berns respectively, have voted against adding sexual orientation to the Illinois Human Rights Act. Repeated attempts to contact Winkel (three phone calls during business hours and three e-mails) and Berns (four phone calls during business hours) regarding their current positions on House Bill 101 yielded no response. But in the past both have stood by the claim that they are “against any bill that would give a group special or extraordinary rights.”
On the other hand, a letter from the Office of the Governor, dated March 19, 1999 and signed by Governor George Ryan, Lieutenant Governor Corinne Wood, Attorney General Jim Ryan, Secretary of State Jesse White, Treasurer Judy Baar Topinka, and Comptroller Daniel W. Hynes, addressed to “Colleagues in State Government” on the subject of House Bill 474, stated, “No group of Illinoisans should receive special privileges, and no groups should suffer from special legal disabilities. This law provides no special rights, affirmative action, or quotas. It simply protects us all from discrimination.”
The argument that this legislation would give homosexuals special rights is one commonly marshaled by right-wing religious groups, who have traditionally been the most vocal segment in opposition to laws which could be construed as condoning homosexuality. When contacted about the group’s political stance on this issue, Executive Director of the Illinois Family Institute Dennis LaComb said, “We believe homosexuals are portrayed in a positive, though unrealistic, light in a media that often has a pro-homosexual agenda.”
The IFI, whose Director of Public Policy Virginia Nurmi is in the Governor’s Children and Family Leadership sub-cabinet, released several handouts in response to requests for further elaboration on its position. Homosexuality, the IFI states, “is just one form in which the brokenness of humanity reveals itself, along with greed, hatred, fear, dishonesty and intemperance.” According to the release, “there are substantial reasons for opposing the current attempts to grant gays, lesbians, and bisexuals the ‘special’ rights they seek.”
One of the reasons given in the group’s literature is that “they are not discriminated against in any of the key areas judged essential by the courts, namely economic status.” This despite the fact that a 1995 study by the University of Maryland found that “lesbians earn up to 14 percent less than their heterosexual female peers with similar jobs, education, age, and residence.” Controlling for the same factors, the study found that gay and bisexual male workers earned from 11 percent to 27 percent less.
Seated in the corner of a bustling vegetarian cafÈ on a drizzly Sunday morning, former history professor and sturdy matriarch of the 85% Coalition Mary Lee Sargent voiced her strong opinions on economic and employment discrimination affecting LGBT individuals, in addition to arguably lower wages. Using herself as an example, she said, “Illinois does not recognize a legal marriage union between homosexuals. If I die, my life partner will get a $1000 survivor benefit from Parkland College, because she is designated as my beneficiary. But if we were married, she would get half my pension for the rest of her life. If she lived ten years, that would be a quarter of a million dollars. If House Bill 101 passed, you could at least make a legal case in a civil suit.”
Irrespective of statistics in favor of either position, many LGBT people, not unlike their religious counterparts, view the fight over House Bill 101 as a question of values. “At least on one level,” Miner said, “the government would be admitting that not all homosexuals are scumbags.” Kranich added, “The religious right knows that if the law passes, it signals a change in values, and that shift would be away from their values, which view homosexuality as a condemnable sin.”
The current General Assembly has a little over two months left to vote on the bill, but members of the 85% Coalition are realistic about their struggle to get prohibitions against sexual orientation discrimination enacted into law. Questioned about the bill’s chances, Meg Miner replied, “I think theyíll use September 11 and the budget to say, ‘We have a lot more important things to deal with.'”
Despite the seemingly bleak immediate outlook, the dissidents are unwavering in their commitment. Regarding the uphill battle ahead, Kim Kranich vowed with her head held high, “It may take years to build the momentum, but my hope is based on a long-term vision.”

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Public Interest Angels Descend Upon the FCC

“The night after I was sworn in, I waited for a visit from the angel of public interest. I waited all night, but she did not come. I still have had no divine awakening and no one has issued me my public interest crystal ball.”
Michael Powell, FCC Chairman

Nikki Larson helped start an eclectic 60-watt pirate radio station in Knoxville, Tennessee last fall after her campus station switched to an automated playlist and eliminated local news coverage. On Friday afternoon, March 22, Larson, 20, joined a small but plucky band of public interest ëangelsí who descended on the headquarters of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). Two weeks previously, an FCC marshal and the local sheriff had ordered her First Amendment Radio to cease programming from a 250-foot-high ridge overlooking Knoxville.
Singing anti-corporate hymns and wearing white sheets, tinsel halos, and wings made of cardboard, Larson and a dozen other angels were among an ad-hoc group of 60 media activists who gathered on a bitterly cold day to call for a reversal of government policies that have left the US media system in the hands of a small group of global conglomerates.
Why angels? The protesters were responding to an earlier statement by FCC Chairman Michael Powell, who remarked, “The night after I was sworn in, I waited for the angel of the public interest. I waited all night, but she did not come.” Powell has also been quoted as saying, “The market is my religion.”
When the angels tried to deliver a public interest crystal ball to Powell at the FCC headquarters, they were rebuffed at the building entrance by a phalanx of security guards.
“I didn’t expect them to come out and say anything,” Larson said. “But I donít know how long they can ignore us. Speech is meant to be free. That’s what the First Amendment is all about.”
Speakers at the event included Inja Coates of Media Tank, Jeff Chester of the Center for Digital Democracy, Dee Dee Halleck of Deep Dish TV, Richard Turner of the Alliance for Community Media, Peter Hart of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR), Reverend Billy of New York City’s Church of Stop Shopping, and Terry O’Neill of the National Organization for Women. They warned that democracy was being eroded by media concentration.
“Without a broad array of voices we cannot have the kind of public discussion of public issues that we need to have in order to maintain our democracy,” O’Neill said.
Dawn Zupelli, 32, a sign language interpreter from Rochester, New York, echoed the speakers’ sentiments. “I fear if we don’t speak up now, we’ll never be heard. We’re already being pushed further and further to the margins.”
Jim Land, a 27-year FCC employee, came down from his office to watch the protest. Wearing baggy pants and a purple tie-dyed T-shirt, he reminisced about being tear-gassed during Vietnam-era protests at the University of Maryland. He said the biggest impact of pending media mergers would be an increase in advertising rates. He was confident, however, that the public interest would still be served.
“In the future people are going to find their information on the Internet”î Land said.
The FCC was established in 1934 to ensure that broadcasters would serve the “public interest, convenience, or necessity.” As media ownership restrictions and public service obligations have been eliminated in recent years, critics have accused the FCC of abandoning its mission.
Just two days after the tragedies of September 11 last year, while the rest of America was still trying to cope with the shock and trauma of the attacks, the FCC decided to “review” its own regulations on media cross-ownership. And on February 19, a federal appeals court nullified a pair of long-standing government regulations that had previously limited the size of media giants like AOL/Time Warner, Viacom, News Corp., and General Electric/NBC. One of these rules prevented the same company from owning TV stations and cable franchises in the same market. The other rule limited the number of TV stations a single company could own.
Jeff Chester warns that the Internet is the next target, as cable providers look to monopolize high-speed broadband services.
“The Internet is being hijacked by old media companies in order to integrate it into their existing production and distribution apparatuses,” Chester said.
Stephanie Finneran, 17, of Asheville, North Carolina, believes FCC policies represent an attack on the public good. “It seems like another case where the community and the people don’t really matter, and that profit wins out over what society really needs,” she said.
FCC Chairman Michael Powell, the son of Secretary of State Colin Powell, has become a lightning rod for media activists since Bill Clinton appointed him to the commission in 1997. The National Association of Broadcasters (NAB), on the other hand, has hailed him as an “outstanding choice”, and Powell in turn has referred to broadcast corporations as “our clients”, while denouncing public interest regulations as “the oppressor”.
“If Michael Powell was a city planner and he was planning New York City, he would probably pave over Central Park and put in another Times Square, or he would take all the neighborhood bodegas and sell them all and turn them into Burger Kings,” said Pete Tridish of the Philadelphia-based Prometheus Radio Project. “There is no room in Michael Powell’s future for either public spaces or small businesses because it’s just the law of the big fish in the sea as far as he is concerned.”
Powellís office was unavailable for comment.
Organizers envision the March 22 demonstration as the kickoff of a multi-pronged campaign for media democracy in the United States. ìThis event put the FCC on notice that they are being watched, that people are doing things, that they are willing to take to the street,î Tridish said.
The angels who turned out on March 22 are looking to produce downloadable teaching materials for activists around the country. Plans are also underway for protests at NAB’s September 12-14 annual meeting in Seattle, and for Media Democracy Day on October 18.
Tridish hopes media activists will want to launch a campaign against Clear Channel, the radio conglomerate that has purchased over 1,200 radio stations since the Telecommunications Reform Act of 1996 was signed into law. “They make a great target because they are everywhere,” he says. “And, they deserve it.”
As for Larson, she and her friends have no plans to take their tiny station off the air in Knoxville. “We’re going to keep broadcasting,” she says, “because everybody has a right to good radio.”

For additional news coverage of the FCC protests by local media democracy advocate Amy Aidman, visit www.mediageek.org or www.ucimc.org.

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