Testimonies of Immigrants Who Have Traveled to CU

These testimonies were provided by the C-U Immigration Forum, a local organization made up of immigrants, students, clergy, service providers, labor union representatives, residents and community organizations that are concerned with the plight of immigrants in Champaign County.

Jesus
It took me about two months to get here. Maybe more. I was traveling with a coyote but then he gave me to a different one and then he gave me to a different one and some more.

There are no jobs in Guatemala. We (my family) didn’t have good jobs and we didn’t have a house. I started working when I was 12. I couldn’t go to school because I had to work. I worked in ‘la siembra’ picking up beans, corn, and coffee. I worked very hard but hardly got any money.

If I can stay here I’m going to work very hard and fight to have and be something good in life. I want to study more. I like my school. It is my favorite place because there are people here who care about me, my teachers ask me how I am doing and help me if I need help. I eat breakfast and lunch here. I don’t think I would have anything to eat if I didn’t come to school.

Maria
My husband came to the U.S. first. It took me two years to decide to come here to join him. I didn’t want to leave my house and my family. My mother cried for two days when I told her I was leaving. I don’t remember if I cried. Maybe I did but I don’t remember. I was really scared.

Before coming here we really tried to make things work in Mexico. We worked very hard but we hardly had enough money to feed our kids. It was painful to see my kids hungry and not have anything to give them.

My husband paid someone to bring us across the border. When we got to the river I was trying to hold on to my two kids but the water kept going up as we walked through. One of the men in the group offered to help and sat my son in his shoulders. I was holding my daughter very tight. The water was freezing and the only light was from the moon. I could feel my daughter trembling or maybe it was my own body trembling… I don’t know. The current was strong and I felt like it was trying to pull my daughter away from me. I walked one step and the water pushed me back. I started to think that we were all going to drown there.

Life here has been good. It’s been 18 years since that day when I cross the border with my kids. We have a small business, we have a home, and my kids are safe and happy.

We are good people but it seems like under the immigration laws we are still not good enough.

Juan
We recently bought a house. It is a small house but it will be ours eventually. I had always wanted a house for my family but I was afraid. Living here without documents is very scary. I am always afraid that immigration is going to find us. Not a day goes by when I don’t think about that. We don’t talk about it but we are always afraid. However, recently I decided to buy the house. My younger kids are citizens. If I ever get deported they will stay here and I want to make sure they have a place to live. If I get deported I will be thinking about them playing in the yard in this house I bought for them. I’ll be in Mexico but I’ll try to be happy because at least I gave them a place to grow, be safe, and happy.

Edgar (12 years old)
There was a loud knock at the door. I was getting ready for school. One of my brothers opened the door and two men got inside the house yelling. I was in the kitchen and didn’t know what to do. I thought they were robbing us. My mom screamed. One of them asked my mom about my dad. She didn’t say anything and the men asked her if she spoke English. The man turned to us and asked us if Miguel was in the house. None of us said anything.

The men asked us to sit in the floor and be quiet. They went inside calling my dad’s name. I would never forget my dad’s face when they walked him outside. My mom was crying asking them what they were doing. She kept talking to them but they didn’t even look at her. I thought maybe they were not paying attention because she was speaking Spanish. My brother asked them why they were in our house and they just asked him to be quiet.

My dad asked them if he could say goodbye. His hands were tied in his back. We were all crying. My mom looked desperate. I couldn’t speak. I grabbed my little sister and hugged her because she looked really afraid. There were other men in the car where they put my dad. We didn’t go to school that day. I asked my mom why they took my dad. She said it was immigration.

Ester
I spent many days on top of the train in Mexico. It is very hard to get on the train when it is moving so I didn’t want to get down. I was really scared. My hands hurt so much because I was always trying to hold tight. I always felt alone. There were a lot of people on the train but not a lot of women so I felt very alone and scared.

Luis
It took me six weeks to travel from Honduras to the US border. I did most of the travel on top of the train. I had to hold on so tight on the train that I had deep cuts in my hands and fingers. The day I got to the border I went to see the Rio Bravo at night. Everyone said it was better to cross the river at night. It was so dark that I couldn’t see my hands. The moonlight was shining in the water and it looked beautiful and peaceful.

 

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Letter to My French Friends

How could this have happened in the U.S.?

The reasons are complex, some peculiar to the U.S. and some that are common to both the U.S. and Europe. The most significant one, that applies as well to Europe as here, is the economic situation. There is very high unemployment, especially among younger people and the marginalized. In France, overall unemployment is higher than in the U.S.. That being said, the true unemployment rate in the U.S. is much higher than the official figures. In both the U.S. and France, there is a tendency among many to blame immigrants and minorities for it. They are also often seen as sapping the country in terms of social services that particularly strain local units of government.

External entities are also held responsible. In the U.S. it is trade pacts like NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Agreement) that encourage employers to chase after low-wage industrial workers abroad (even though there are plenty of low-wage service workers in the U.S.). In Europe, it is the European Union which is seen as an unaccountable, undemocratic arrangement that forces austerity policies upon the individual countries to the detriment of the general population, and to the advantage of the upper, capitalist classes. All of these factors produce high emotions of fear and anger, of ultranationalism and the attribution of otherness to minorities and immigrants, and to despair with the status quo and the hope that Far Right parties, usually with charismatic leaders, can save people from the calamity that they feel they are living.

Another interesting dimension to this is religion. In Poland and in the Slavic countries of Eastern Europe, the Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern Orthodox churches respectively are playing a major role in supporting right-wing politics. In France, a conservative Catholic bloc has been manifesting itself in the conservative Republican Party, and can be seen in the programs of former President Nicolas Sarkosy and in the present Republican presidential candidacy of Francois Fillon. Gay marriage, abortion, and even secularism in public institutions, especially the schools, which have been a mainstay of French republicanism, have newly become major issues in the mainstream of French politics. This resembles, on a smaller scale, Trump’s appeal to the white evangelical voters in the American South and Mid-West. The big issue for them is who will be appointed to the Supreme Court and be voting on civil rights issues for women, minorities, and the LGBT population. The European Right, in both Western and Eastern Europe, has taken up the battle over cultural and social issues (the culture wars) that the American Right has engaged in for a long time and that Trump has been playing so effectively.

But there are other variables that accounted for Trump’s victory that are not so easily comparable to what is happening in Europe recently. The first is the Electoral College.If Trump and Clinton had been French, Clinton would have won because she had a sizeable lead in the popular vote, almost three million more votes than Trump.

Aside from this, there was the difference between the two candidates themselves. Clinton was clearly the more politically experienced and qualified. She discussed policy issues in a serious way. And she would have been the first woman president, following the first African American president. That was both a plus and a minus. A plus for those who valued diversity in political life, a negative to those who despised “identity politics.”

Even some on the Left felt that she should have devoted more time to addressing the serious economic plight of many Americans than to stressing the breaking of the glass ceiling imposed by males. While this is not necessarily an either/or, many Democrats who supported Bernie Sanders in the primary felt that Clinton did not come across as sincerely attentive to the economic plight of so many people where industry had disappeared. Fairly or not, the association that was made between her and her husband’s support of NAFTA, and her hesitation in coming out against Obama’s Trans Pacific Partnership trade agreement, made her unpopular both on the Left and on the populist Right. Her vote for the Iraq War and other more hawkish positions also alienated progressives on the Left and noninterventionists on the Right. Her use of a personal server for public business when she was Secretary of State came back to haunt her. And her closeness to Wall Street when she was the Senator from New York, and refusal to release the content of speeches she gave to investment bankers for large fees, did not help her on either wing of the political spectrum.

Trump, on the other hand, has had no political experience which could be held against him. His business dealings were marred by frequent bankruptcies, by refusal to pay for services provided by contractors, by a constant stream of threats and lawsuits against people and institutions. He broke tradition by being the first presidential candidate to refuse to release his tax returns. Instead of seriously discussing policy issues, he offered a series of ad libs to please his crowd. He vilified all of his opponents in both the primary and the general elections. He referred to Clinton as “crooked Hillary” who should be criminally prosecuted. He refused to say that he would accept the result of the election. He degraded women, Mexicans and Moslems. He even ridiculed the physical gestures of a paralyzed reporter who asked a question at a press conference.

Our next president has bragged about molesting women and been accused by a number of women of doing so. He has encouraged violence against protestors at his rallies. He has defended the use of torture. Since the election, he has appointed to be his attorney General Senator Sessions, who has spoken favorably of the Ku Klux Klan and opposed civil rights legislation. His special adviser, with an office in the White House, will be Stephen Bannon, the former head of Breitbart, a Far Right “news” outlet that has diffused racist and anti-Semitic material, and which intends to establish an office in Paris. His national security advisor is going to be former Lt. General Michael Flynn, who has spread abusive scurrilous stories about Clinton on social media. His Trump-employed son went so far as to send out messages contending that Hillary Clinton was involved with child sex rings.

In Europe, you have had your Le Pens and your Berlusconi, whose sexual vulgarity equals Trumps. The former were established party leaders. Trump has captured a party. What he has behind him are largely the economically hard-hit, who are willing to forgive his sins in the hope that he will be their salvation, and white supremacists who see him as their vindication and leader. Trump is an actor who has created politics as a one-man spectacle, combining Mussolini’s oratorical style and facial gestures with a skilled use of Twitter, which the cable news media has retransmitted instantaneously to the public.

Indeed, the closer historical analogy to the spectacular Trump are the Nazis, who used the technology of radio to mobilize the masses in their living rooms, vilified and crushed political opponents, dehumanized ethnic and religious groups, and repeated lie after lie with the assurance that their followers would believe them and that establishment politicians and business leaders would be afraid to confront them. It is precisely this complex of factors that foreshadowed the first totalitarian state in Western Europe in the late 1930s, which began with an electoral victory and which too few took seriously enough until it was too late.

I say to my French friends, please do not be taken in the way we Americans have been.

 

 

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Congrats to Urbana for Being a Sanctuary City!

Congrats to Urbana for re-affirming our status as a Sanctuary City! An original resolution was passed in 1986 designating the city a refuge for Central American refugees. One of those who took part in the earlier campaign, Francis Boyle, University of Illinois law professor, spearheaded an effort to renew it in the wake of Trump’s election. The Immigration Forum and other community members also spoke out in support. On December 19, 2016, Urbana City Council passed a resolution updating the original statement. Urbana joins others like Chicago, Los Angeles, and Seattle that have declared themselves Sanctuary Cities.

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The Recolonization of Standing Rock

By Desmond Powers

After a thirty-five hour drive from New Orleans, I rolled into Standing Rock’s Oceti Sakowin camp in a VW hatchback plastered with Bernie stickers with two fellow New Orleanians and a trunk full of herbal medicine and instruments. We made the trek to Oceti Sakowin to help Grandma Redfeather, an Oglala elder and ex-AIM activist, winterize her camp, Camp Dancing Horse. Oceti Sakowin is the largest camp at Standing Rock and the size of a small village, with a several hundred people occupying a few square miles of treaty land never bequeathed to the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, and thus “technically” under federal control.  Oceti Sakowin is made up of various larger camps, with people coming together for a multitude of reasons. The camp I stayed in, Camp Dancing Horse was on the outskirts of Oceti Sakowin. It was placed there to avoid entanglement from the tribal council and the main culture that permeated Greater Oceti Sakowin, especially that of the “weekend warrior” phenomenon.

 

White Allies or Weekend Warriors?

My first introduction to the recolonization of Standing Rock was a small group of travelers fresh off the Rainbow circuit who had a complete lack of respect for the space. They hogged the campfire (leaving no room for Grandma Redfeather, who is not only the founder of the camp, but an elder, and thus deserves to have a spot at the fire), cooked food only for themselves, played music, smoked copious amounts of weed, and waited out the DTs (delirium tremens), never leaving to volunteer at kitchens or winterizing. They had arrived with no prior knowledge of what was going on. They had hitched a ride from Colorado just to see what was happening. When we asked them why they came, they said that they were under the impression that it was another kind of Rainbow Gathering. This is an extreme example of the misunderstanding people had of Standing Rock. But it was everywhere. White allies, whether conscious or not, had come to Standing Rock with different goals than aid, and this manifested in many different ways, all toxic.

Outside of Camp Dancing Horse I met a very different type of person who came to Standing Rock that misunderstood its purpose. These were “weekend warriors.” They spent most of their time delivering donations they pilfered from their basements in exchange for selfies with teary-eyed natives, getting massages at mental health tents, singing whatever song they wished at prayer ceremonies, and attending one or two risk-free actions to finish off their Mni Wiconi (Water is Life) Facebook Album. People weren’t supposed to come there to have a pow-wow, they were supposed to volunteer and be involved in activism. This complete lack of respect surprised me, as it seemed common sense to me that if you’re going to an occupied space meant for activism, you shouldn’t treat it like the Bahamas. These people were invited to help out the No DAPL movement, but ended up focusing on their own “Standing Rock Experience.”

They were supposed to call attention to the movement by being on the front lines, getting arrested, helping winterize, and donating functional things that the camp needed. They did none of this. When I left Standing Rock, the tribal elders were telling people to bring donations to homeless shelters to their city of origin, as most of the donations were extraneous, or not usable in the North Dakota winter. As a result, most weekend warriors (who ate at the various kitchens in the camp and often sifted through the donations area as if it were a free Goodwill) left the mark of recolonization on Standing Rock. On my first day in Standing Rock, I attended a water ceremony at the Cannonball River, where one pays respects to feminine energy and water. This ceremony is accompanied by water songs, led by native women, normally in Lakota. What I witnessed was during any lapse in singing, the ever growing crowd (the majority of which was white) would interject with refrains of “Go Down to the River to Pray” and other non sacred protest songs. There was an invitation for people to sing whatever sacred songs they identified with, but the frequency and overwhelming recitations of these songs only served to whitewash a prayerful space for people of color, with allies assuming the position of leadership in spite of the fact that they were asked to help, not usurp. That’s what was important. Instead of being respectful and following tribal customs, many allies put priority on themselves, not the people they were supposed to be supporting. They silenced voices of color and crowbarred their way in at the one place people of color were supposed to have priority. And most weren’t even willing to get arrested.

 

Public vs. Dangerous Actions

Standing Rock was a warzone. The Morton County police used military grade technology to drain phone batteries, planes flew over Oceti Sakowin at 4am despite the no fly zone to spray chemicals that woke everyone up with “camp cough,” which stayed with them through the rest of the day. There were countless infiltrators and everyone’s phones were listened to, even outside of the frontlines; water protectors were assailed by the military police complex with everything they had. As a result, actions were normally spread by word of mouth to avoid police interception. Most public actions were mostly meant to keep the police on their feet (at least when I was there), while any action actually meant to stop the construction of DAPL or create real political pressure was kept quiet. As a result, most people didn’t hear about the more dangerous actions. But there were opportunities. And normally they were compromised by a lack of discipline and people focusing on themselves rather than the action. This can be seen with my friend, E__, who occupied and sabotaged a construction vehicle with a small group of people, shutting the site down for a day. He and a handful of people could’ve gotten away, but were arrested because instead of leaving promptly, the group took selfies on the vehicle, panicked when the police showed up while they were distracted, split up, and were picked up one by one.

 

Silencing Voices of Color

Even though the majority of people at Oceti Sakowin didn’t act like this, there were still enough to cause a large amount of harm to the movement. I met many people, including Grandma Redfeather’s children and grandchildren, who had been arrested many times and were faced with very serious charges, but still chose to return and keep fighting after being bailed out of jail. Most of the allies who intended to stay all winter were extremely respectful, put themselves in danger (legal and physical) repeatedly, and volunteered most of the day. Still, I feel as if the weekend warrior phenomenon has been underreported. Seeming white allies failed Standing Rock, taking the narcissism and vacationalism of our everyday world into a sacred fight, and desecrated it. There is a Lakota term for white people: wasichu. “he who steals the fat.” You don’t have to be white to be a wasichu, but as long as you abide by toxic white culture, whether on purpose or on accident, you are a wasichu. I saw many wasichus disguised as allies at Standing Rock. They betrayed the call to action and compromised the movement.

 

 

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Doing SOLHOT as a Reliable Way of Life

“I remember the day
I let go of the idea
and held on to people
it’s
much
riskier
now
I really wanna’
take care” 

– We Levitate, “Take Care”, How I Feel EP (2016)

I am a lover/bandbae/dreamer/Black girl artist/DJ/and so much more with Saving Our Lives, Hear Our Truths (SOLHOT), a collective started and co-organized here in C-U by Ruth Nicole Brown, whose intention is to use Black girlhood celebration and freedom as an organizing, imaginative, fully human, “the rule is love,” (Wynter, 1972) construct and as SOLHOT homegirl Porshe’ Garner (2011) reminds us, “…[to] do [SOLHOT] as a way of life.”

In SOLHOT we dream up worlds together. To know and do this means showing up and being reliable over and over again, and making it right when you are not. It means showing up and being ready to DJ, being ready to lead a cipher, being ready to batty dance, being ready to check in, being ready with the snack (because we need good food to dream and you will get checked by the girls), being ready to tell your truth, being ready to write, being ready to listen to Black girls, being ready to be wrong, being ready to forgive, and being ready to love. In SOLHOT, being reliable means being ready to imagine worlds, together.

The foundation of SOLHOT organizing happens with youth at a local middle school after school. One of the recent and more public ways SOLHOT has organized our dreaming of worlds and collective imagination is through Black Girl Genius Week (BGGW), a weeklong campaign of Black girlhood and voyage to Champaign-Urbana for a series of organized rituals, performances, concerts, teach-ins, dance and writing workshops, studio sessions, skill shares, homegirl kickbacks, private sessions at the local middle school and much more. To date, there have been a total of 3 BGGW’s (November 3-8, 2014; February 22-27, 2016; October 21-28, 2016). BGGW is a space and time for Black girl artists and SOLHOT home girls from around the world and the local community to use creative practice based in the everyday experience of Black girls to intently reimagine, celebrate, create culture and ideas and be free to express racialized, gendered articulations of genius as fully human, complex, beyond state violence and static biological identity categories.

During the October 2016 BGGW, we intimately discussed what it meant to be reliable and keep reliable people around. Poet Nikky Finney shared a story of a conversation she had with poet Lucille Clifton. Finney asked Clifton if she had ever been called a nigger before and if this had made her want to fight. I know in that moment, I was thinking (and hoping) Clifton’s answer would be “yes, I wanted to fight (and sometimes I did)”. Clifton responded to Finney’s question with a no; she found those people (that would try to harm her) unreliable. Through this story, Clifton urged Finney to “keep reliable people around.” Finney learned a lesson about showing up whole, being seen, and knowing and keeping those who are reliable to show up with you.

As a follow-up, Finney asked us, “Once you know who is reliable, then what? When you know someone is reliable you show up in a certain way.” Following BGGW this fall and in continuation of our private sessions at a local middle school, I have been meditating on and thinking a lot about what it means to be reliable with SOLHOT. As I write with SOLHOT (music, songwriting, poetry, love letters, conference papers, publications, etc.) through my work as a graduate student, I am learning about writing (and creating) as a way to be reliable in SOLHOT and ultimately the world. I’ve always considered myself to be a writer (artist) but it wasn’t until I began to write and create closely with SOLHOT that it made sense why, what and with whom I need to write.

In particular, examples of writing with SOLHOT prepared me for a specific way of being reliable. Homegirl and bandmate Porshe Garner (2011) reminded us in her Public i piece (2011) of the complexities involved with “saving yourself first” in SOLHOT. As a longtime organizer and homegirl with SOLHOT, Porshe has laid groundwork for how we come to know and do reflection in SOLHOT. As a SOLHOT homegirl, who has not always physically lived in Champaign (where SOLHOT meets face-to-face and heart-to-heart), I remember how reliable Porshe’s words in the Public i on SOLHOT were to me as a first-year graduate student claiming to work with Black girls and I lived half way across the country. Through critical reflection, Porshe reminded us, “When you address your own issues without trying to save others from theirs, then and only then will you be able to help others.” This was one of my first SOLHOT lessons on being reliable and still serves as a guide to being fully human.

For one, “saving yourself first,” taught me a kind of being reliable that is reflective and brings your whole self (contradictions and all), especially to spaces where Black girls are present and Black girlhood is a topic of conversation. One of the ways that SOLHOT has required me to be reliable and bring my whole self is with sound and music. Out of SOLHOT time, we reflect on our interpretations of hearing Black girls and one of the ways we do this is through music and music making and writing. I am a DJ/sound-beat maker.  The sense that doing SOLHOT as a reliable way of life as central to my DJ practice is a way I intend to show up whole and reliable. Our (my) DJ archive of music and sounds are originally co-created music, sonic memories of home, requests for dance ciphers with homegirls (because Black girls know what they want to hear and dance to, together), It is a way that I am seen in/by SOLHOT. I am made reliable through deejaying and do it for and with my homegirls.

One of my first experiences meeting with SOLHOT face-to-face before and during BGGW 2014, I was asked to bring the music and whatever we needed for the music (our music) to be recorded, played and heard. During one of our sessions/kick backs, I didn’t have our music and my home girls reminded me of the importance of bringing the songs we need to hear each other and reflect, over and over again. Why didn’t I have the songs ready? Whatever the reason, I knew in the moment who was reliable and whom I needed to be reliable to.

It is not (only) about the song files or music equipment in the literal sense. SOLHOT is more than the equipment and technology (song mp3s) it takes to be heard in the speakers. I am learning what happens when I forget to bring my whole self, which includes bringing our songs and having them ready when we need to hear and listen to each other and Black girls. The songs we make for each other, to be our own audience, are essential to how we express ourselves together, create knowledge and love fearlessly while doing it.

Black girls make and move to music, together, whether it is recorded and consumed, played back in speakers or not. In SOLHOT, we privilege being with each other, as we are our most valuable and reliable audience. We will hear our songs and truths when we are together. Funding and sound equipment, or not, we are determined to be with each other, creating worlds, complex, whole and reliable; and we will.

 

 

 

 

 

Blair Ebony Smith is an artist and Doctoral Candidate at Syracuse University and Visiting Scholar of Gender & Women’s Studies at the University of Illinois-Urbana Champaign.

 

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TIMES Shelter Needs to Reopen for Men’s Emergency Services

The TIMES men’s shelter is owned by Rosecrance, a not-for-profit corporation that primarily runs 40 drug and alcohol rehab centers in four states. In 2016 Rosecrance bought Community Elements, the agency that has in many ways acted as the de-facto community mental health agency for Champaign for 25 years. (They were formerly called Champaign County Mental Health). They operate with various city, county, state and federal grants as well as reimbursement from Medicaid and insurance.

Rosecrance shut down the TIMES men’s emergency shelter, except for the 20-bed transitional program. That leaves 30 or more spaces for cots completely unused. They also shut down the Round House, which provided services and beds for teens. The Salvation Army also shut down their men’s shelter this year. The TIMES center was built in part to be an emergency shelter, meaning “guests” don’t necessarily have to be in a program toward self-sufficiency. This type of shelter is not currently in favor with HUD, which was a major funding source for services in the past.

Different organizations believe in different approaches and serve different populations of homeless. This is fortunate because there are unique stories and unique needs. Thankfully since 1992 the community has had the Coalition of Service Providers for the Homeless (CSPH) trying to identify the most pressing needs and influence the creation of a variety of services. The CSPH meets monthly to discuss challenges, share best practices, and better coordinate local efforts.

Some of the safety nets  in place are: Crisis Nursery (for children), Austin’s Place (for women), Courage Connection (for domestic violence), the Pheonix Center (for daytime services), and the Canteen Run (blankets, foods and rides for those on the street in freezing weather). These are not operated by the CSPH, but by individual 501(c)(3) corporations. This year CSPH helped the Regional Planning Commission open the Family Emergency Shelter.

With the closing of the 90 beds at TIMES center and the Salvation Army, the CSPH, including the United Way saw an immediate need for beds for homeless men and pulled together donations, volunteers and churches. This resulted in a patchwork, pieced-together solution of using two churches with four paid staff members. The men are given rides each night at designated times, from two different locations, to whichever church is open. This started on January 6 and is operating for three months on a budget of $35,000 from local individual, foundation, and Rotary Club and United Way donations. Everyone applauds the efforts to keep people from freezing this winter. But this closing of the TIMES has set us back twenty years to this makeshift solution that we used when the winter emergency shelter was operated out of McKinley Church.

How can we prevent this current atrocity from happening again? This $1.4 million building, that was paid for entirely with community and government money, is now legally in the hands of Rosecrance, a private corporation that has no intention of reopening it as the men’s emergency shelter for which it was built. Perhaps it’s time for our governmental agencies to form an alliance to provide mental health, homeless and detox services, so the assets stay in the hands of the community. But certainly it is time for the governmental agencies, the municipalities of the city of Champaign and Urbana and Champaign County to get Rosecrance to the table.

To get the TIMES center built, in 1999, the community appealed to the cities, the mental health board, our state senator Stan Weaver, and local businessman philanthropist Mr. Harrington, who donated the land. There were also considerations of zoning and neighbor acceptance to overcome. Now we are being asked to accept that that building will never be a men’s emergency shelter again, because it doesn’t play to the “core competencies” of the corporation that bought Community Elements. What’s to say it will even be used for the 20-bed transitional program in the future? There is a grassroots movement appealing to the governmental bodies to use their influence to get Rosecrance to the table to negotiate for the use of that building to remain dedicated to serving the needs for which it was built. You can sign the petition at www.tinyurl.com/opentimes123.

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IMC announcements

Fun With FOIAs! Workshop with Brian Dolinar & Sarah Lazare

Saturday, January 28, 7-10pm at IMC

This workshop will give members of the CU community access to the tools for filing their own public records requests under the Freedom of Information Act (or FOIA). It will be led by two IMC journalists: Brian Dolinar, writer for the Public i and Truthout; and Sarah Lazare, staff writer for Alternet and a former CU resident.

Evolution of Black Voices: Poetry Night for Black History Month

Hosted by Shaya Robinson and Wolf Thomas

Friday, February 3, 7-9pm at IMC

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Keep Loving, Keep Fighting: Meditations from the Days after Trump Presidency Was Declared

I’d wager that for all of you November 9, 2016 was a day of shock, revulsion, horror, disbelief, tears, confusion and a huge amount of fury. Like most of you, I had a very hard time focusing on anything but the terrifying prospect of TRUMP. It has been an amazing joy and also profoundly frightening to be part of what’s happening on the University of Illinois campus as we move from shock to action. What follows are some loose meditations on the two days right after the election.

Two men, one with a large American flag and the other with a bible, were spewing supposedly Christian but actually anti-immigrant, pro-Trump, racist rhetoric. A large group of us formed around them—some students were arguing with them and some were just watching the spectacle. I was trying to take the floor away from these two hate-mongers and focus energy in a positive way—finally a brave student took the floor and reminded them that their version of “Christian” actually has nothing to do with what Christ would have espoused (image 1-2).

Right next to all this screaming there were students quietly writing love-filled messages in chalk on the quad: “Spread love, the world needs it;” “Your skin your sex your gender your beliefs ARE VALID;” “Love is the answer.” (images 2-5). Unfortunately, another chalking, that I did not see but which a student sent me an image of, proclaimed: “White Privilege, I (heart) Trump” (image 6, sent to me by Stephen Froedge). Later in the day I saw students forming a chain in front of Lincoln Hall and chanting, “keep loving, keep fighting” (image 7). These students were contributing a wonderful energy to the quad, they were joining together to do it.

The following day, I saw a student sitting alone, and completely silent in front of the Alma Mater with a sign that read: “Vow of silence. No voice. No comment. No hate. No tyrant. #Not My President.” I gestured to him (I didn’t want to use words and disrupt his peaceful protest) to ask if I could photograph him (image 8) and he nodded yes. Then I wrote him a note: Thank you for your protest. It is very beautiful. And very needed.

Writing on a huge “What are you Thankful For” sign, I encountered a student who was chalking that she was thankful for all the solidarity and coalition-building opportunities on campus. I asked specifically which resources she was grateful for and she described both La Casa and the Gender and Women’s Studies center as offering spaces for dialogue and unloading after the election. I was relieved that, as a self-described Latina student, far from feeling isolated she felt held by these communities (image 9).

Then I talked with the Muslim Student’s association, out on the quad for a bake sale. They were so happy to have someone approach them and offer solidarity that I wondered if this was rare. The group of students I spoke to had different feelings about the election: one woman said that she did feel safe on this campus but then her friends started chiming in about Islamophobic acts that had happened here: a woman’s hijab was pulled off, and another student suffered a man shouting “go back to your country” as he walked by. When I asked them how they were feeling about Trump and about all of these revolting acts they said they were shocked but they were ready for action and to advocate for what they believe in (image 10).

Another solitary protester sat alone in a chair on the quad holding up the sign “Love trumps hate.” I asked him if he knew of other protests happening and how he felt protesting alone, and he said yes, there would soon be mass protests and it was just fine for him to protest alone. Yet another lone protester had affixed a sign on her dog that offered him as something like “post-election therapy” (images 11-12). I have to own up to the fact that the solitary protesters made be feel melancholic and protective. But they were all mourning and fighting in ways that had an impact, even those that chose to do it alone.

Among the incredibly moving and thoughtful and insightful and informative things people have posted on Facebook, I found these words from one of the many Comparative Literature graduate students who make our department so stellar particularly moving: “I have seen instructors break into tears because they suddenly feel inadequate to protect their most vulnerable students, even in their own classrooms. I have seen new communities forming around the desire to extend compassion, protection and comfort to people who feel threatened and devalued…” (Meagan Smith).

On the Friday after the election, my father, middle daughter and I went to a protest at the Alma Mater. Three generations of Kaplans were chanting “hey hey, ho ho Donald Trump has got to go!” “We welcome immigrants!” “Tell us what power looks like! This is what POWER looks like!” My Jewish-American father was part of the Civil Rights movement and always fought for racial justice; my daughter is finding her way in the world but already knows that racism is painful and wrong and that Trump and many of his supporters espouse it. The protest moved from the Alma Mater all the way around the quad and then down Green Street. We stopped traffic and took over the road—there were probably 300 or so people—black, brown, white, gay, straight, trans, young, old—an actually diverse group of people yelling at the top our lungs “THIS IS NOT MY PRESIDENT!” (images 13-17). The protest ended in an explosion of hugs.

The KKK has endorsed Trump; swastikas and other hate symbols proliferate around the nation. I don’t think it is possible to say that this isn’t a racist choice. Even if individual Trump voters may not claim the word “racist” to describe themselves…this is what Van Jones calls “whitelash.” Other people call this “white nostalgia” or the harking back to an imagined, fantastical, never-happened Eden of whiteness before there was a smart articulate black president who threatened its ascendancy. Before all these meddling professors with their diversity muddied the pure white American idyll. We now face and must fight a return of white supremacy. Coupled with and inherently part of this is a return to a celebration of masculine power. Trump unleashes the masculinist id and allows for trespasses of power and abuses against women’s right to decide when, where, and by whom we get groped and kissed. As Chris Benson rightly pointed out in conversation with Masha Gessen, Trump’s self-proclaimed abuses of power over women augur his abusive of power writ large.

If the see-saw between love and hate as represented in this small sampling from this small college town in the Midwest were to be weighed, love would definitely, certainly, trump hate. But I am not sure I could possibly hazard which one will ascend in the long run.

Posted in 2016 election, Politics, Trump, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Voices | Comments Off on Keep Loving, Keep Fighting: Meditations from the Days after Trump Presidency Was Declared

Small Victories Matter

By Jacquelyn Potter

Jacquelyn Potter is on the Executive Committee of the local Sierra Club, where she is involved in activism regarding DAPL and other pipeline issues.

A celebration of joy erupted in the cold, snowy and wet camp at Sacred Standing Rock the other day, with reports of traffic jams and crowds of people dancing, singing and hugging. There was a good reason for this collective expression of happiness; this large exhale of relief. An important breakthrough was recently made regarding the recognition of Native American tribal rights and lands, when President Obama kept his word when he said “there is a way for us to accommodate the sacred lands of Native Americans,” making the final decision to deny the easement for the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) underneath Lake Oahe, and to reroute the pipeline away from native sacred homelands. In response, the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe expressed that they would be “forever grateful to the Obama Administration for this historic decision.”   Although this decision falls short of stopping the pipeline entirely, there are reasons to celebrate it as a milestone. This decision sets a precedent regarding human rights and land rights v. unchecked exploitation by corporations. This decision has mandated that the Army Corps of Engineers requires an Environmental Impact Statement and public input, both of which, at least by law, are a check and balance of protection in the process.

This milestone was hard-won by the many Native American tribes, protesters, supporters and US military veterans who all came together as Water Protectors to peacefully stand up to the unlawful, abusive and often violent oppression by privatized para-military forces, government agencies and militarized police forces that were hired by or serving the will of the government support of Energy Transfer Corporation. This has been a huge turn of events since just days earlier the Army Corps of Engineers had attempted to order the Water Protectors to evacuate after weeks of abuse by police and para-military using “less lethal” weapons such as cold water sprays in freezing weather and rubber bullets that injured Water Protectors both young and old, sometimes severely (as well as injuring horses ridden by Water Protectors). Such actions constitute human rights abuses and have already brought consequence in the form of a federal lawsuit against county sheriffs and 73 different police agencies.

The decision to explore alternate routes for the DAPL crossing came after a delay allowing discussions between the Army Corp of Engineers and the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, whose reservation is located 0.5 miles south of the proposed pipeline crossing that would jeopardize the water supply and infringe Native American treaty rights. Corp Assistant Secretary for Civil Works, Jo-Ellen Darcy, stated that “Although we have had continuing discussion and exchanges of new information with the Standing Rock Sioux and Dakota Access, it’s clear that there’s more work to do”, and that “The best way to complete that work responsibly and expeditiously is to explore alternate routes for the pipeline crossing.” Darcy said this could be accomplished via Environmental Impact Statement and public input and analysis.

The DAPL issue not only brings up environmental concern in general, but also would have direct impact on the environment here in Illinois. The proposed DAPL, over a thousand miles in length, would connect the Bakken and Three Forks oil production areas in North Dakota to a terminal near Pakota, Illinois. It would amount to a 30-inch diameter pipe transporting approx. 470,000 barrels of oil per day. It not only would run over sacred Native American lands and water sources, but also over hundreds of communities and farms, with corporate misuse of Eminent Domain to pressure or force property owners off their properties. It would threaten natural areas and wildlife habitat, running underneath the Missouri River as well as many other rivers, streams and creeks on its way to Illinois. Within Illinois, this pipeline also poses direct threat to rivers, streams and creeks, as well as potentially threatening recharge areas of our Mahomet Aquifer near the Illinois River. History shows clearly that the question is not if a pipeline will break and spill, but when.   There were several pipeline ruptures and spills just within the past few months as the DAPL protests occurred.

Throughout the tumultuous DAPL events, the Sierra Club has supported the Water Protectors. Prairie Group members participated in several different facets of the opposition to the DAPL, including attending and participating in protests, rallies, petitions and meetings with local and state government. Along with the ongoing protest at Sacred Standing Rock camp, there have been protests all across the Midwest, including in Illinois. One of the protests took place in Pakota, Illinois, where Prairie Group members joined other activists and Native Americans in peacefully protesting the area where the DAPL is proposed to end up before it heads south to Texas, where it would be shipped out of the country to the international market.

As the DAPL events were unfolding, our Sierra Club Prairie Group also learned of the proposed pipeline expansion by the Canadian corporation Enbridge to “twin” (expand) the Line 61 pipeline (renaming it Line 66) running through Illinois from Canada. Our Prairie Group has been busy coordinating efforts with Save Our Illinois Lands (SOIL) to head off the expansion of the Enbridge Pipeline as it poses direct threat to land and water sources, including sensitive recharge areas of the Mahomet Aquifer, of which many communities depend upon. Coordinated efforts also included contacting, informing and mobilizing Illinois land owners about the dangers the pipelines pose and the tactics used by the corporations to take their land. There have been meetings with local and state government. Earlier this fall, members of Prairie Group, local Native American representatives and other environmental groups and activists came together to speak to the Urbana City Council about the dangers of the DAPL and how such pipelines threaten water sources close to home. Our Urbana City Council responded by drafting a resolution similar to that drafted in Minneapolis, MN, but also including language about the risks to our aquifers and the need to protect them. This too, is a small victory, but is important precedence to show the will of the community and its leaders to protect water, land and human rights.

The state of affairs regarding the Dakota Access Pipeline has been in constant flux, with headlines (increasingly now in mainstream media) telling of progress and challenges. The response to the Obama administration’s refusal to approve the easement for the DAPL has been swift and arrogant. Pipeline corporatocrats said that they would continue to go ahead with construction and simply pay the $50,000 per day fine. When faced with this outright and outrageous level of wealth and corruption, we know that the fight is far from over and we must not relent. What we’ve had through the Obama administration’s decision, is a validation (albeit at the 11th hour) of Tribal Treaties, Native American land rights and an emphasis on environmentally-responsible procedure. Although this may not be the ‘big’ victory we wanted, it is still important and should be celebrated. As we get to the close of 2016, we must celebrate these small victories as they can give us incremental momentum and precedence for further victories. At the very least, requiring a comprehensive Environmental Impact Statement will show that the pipeline would endanger the water sources and safety of every community it goes through. And, by also requiring public input and analysis, the voice of the people is underscored as being integral to the decision-making process, as it is supposed to be in a democracy. Strategically this may be more of a victory than we realize. As our Prairie Group chair has wisely said, “This kind of procedural step may be the best thing that the Obama administration could do – it probably can’t be immediately un-done by the incoming Trump administration.” However, it is, as ever, up to us, the people, the environmental activists and organizations; the Water Protectors, to hold our government accountable to enforce its own environmental laws and agency procedures. We must demand that corporations be held accountable for actions against the environment and human rights. In 2017 you can bet we will bring the fight!

Posted in Environment, Indigenous, Voices of Color | Comments Off on Small Victories Matter

Feminist Reflections on the 2016 Presidential Election

profile-pic2016 02 25 Julie Laut

By Nancy Dietrich and Julie Laut

Nancy Dietrich lives in Urbana and is active in the C-U community.  She is a founding funder of the UCIMC.

Julie Laut lives in Urbana and serves on the board of the Unitarian Universalist Church of Urbana Champaign.

The last month has been a time for reflection as we come to terms with the end of Hillary Clinton’s historic bid for the presidency. If the United States’ system of direct democracy extended to that office, we would currently be celebrating the election of the first woman President. And though we mourn her loss, we must remind ourselves that she was the first woman in American history to win the popular vote. For just the second time since 1900, the Electoral College denied the presidency to the person who won the popular election; this time by nearly three million votes, the widest margin ever. However, given the misogynistic, xenophobic, and racist behavior of her opponent, his lack of a clear stance on most issues, and an embarrassing lack of understanding in a number of important areas including foreign policy, many reasonably expected Clinton to win by a landslide.

Numerous reasons for Clinton’s loss have been bandied about: the email server issue that was reignited days before the election; working-class white Americans, long a mainstay of the Democratic Party, feeling like they have been left behind in the current economy; a strong anti-immigrant sentiment that Trump homed in on; Clinton’s support of trade agreements such as NAFTA that sent jobs overseas and have harmed the environment. In all likelihood, these issues and others contributed to some degree to Clinton’s loss. But for her supporters—perhaps for feminists most of all—none of these explanations take away our sense of shock and disillusionment.

Helen H. Richardson, The Denver Post

[Photo by Helen H. Richardson, The Denver Post]

We have found ourselves wondering if there is a segment of the population that simply will not vote for a woman to be president no matter the candidate. Given Trump’s offensiveness, why didn’t Clinton win by a landslide? We’ve elected many men to the presidency who held similar policy positions and were similar in temperament to Clinton. Do we hold women to a much higher standard than men? Could you imagine a female version of Trump having even the slightest chance at becoming the presidential nominee, let alone winning the entire election? We all know the answer to this question. While Clinton may not have been as far to the left as some progressives would have liked—Nancy supported Bernie Sanders in the primaries—the vitriol spewed towards Clinton both during this campaign and her run against Obama in 2008 went above and beyond simply disagreeing with her on the issues.

Before the election, an article on pbs.org by Daniel Bush discussed some of the subtleties of bias experienced by women seeking leadership positions (http://www.pbs.org/newshour/features/hidden-sexism/). Terri Vescio, a professor of psychology at Penn State who studies gender bias, was quoted as saying, “The more female politicians are seen as striving for power, the less they’re trusted and the more moral outrage gets directed at them. If you’re perceived as competent, you’re not perceived as warm. But if you’re liked and trusted, you’re not seen as competent.” Research has borne this out over the years: the double standard is still alive and well.

So where do feminists go from here?

First, women must recognize and challenge the backlash that will happen throughout the Trump presidency, even coming from within our own ranks. This backlash has already reared its head in the House of Representatives, when Rep. Tim Ryan unsuccessfully challenged Nancy Pelosi for House Minority Leader. He was quoted in the Wall Street Journal stating, “A guy like me—it doesn’t have to be me—a guy like me could go into the Southern states, and we need someone who can go into every congressional district.” Ryan, referring to the Democrats’ loss of white male voters to Trump, implied not too subtly that a man would lead better in the current environment than a woman. Fifty women lawmakers signed a letter supporting Pelosi’s bid to retain her position, stating “[Young women and girls] need to see the first woman Speaker—and every woman Member of Congress—standing firm in the halls of power, continuing to fight for their rights, their dignity, and their dreams.” Hillary Clinton’s loss must not result in a greater loss for women in leadership positions.

Second, individual women need to make their voices heard, making sure we are a part of conversation and debate: we need to write letters to the editor and contribute op-eds on important issues; ask questions at public lectures or in the classroom to join the conversation; speak out at city council and school board meetings; run for office at all levels; and call our representatives when important issues arise in our state and national legislatures. Perhaps most important, we must support other women when they speak out and assume positions of power.

Third, we need to continue the fight for gender equity, something that—despite post-feminist rhetoric—is far from complete. Join a group that works towards equality, such as the American Association of University Women (AAUW), which has been advancing equity for girls and women since 1881. Other groups fighting for women’s rights and civil liberties through the courts, in communities, and/or lobbying in state legislatures and Congress include: NOW, Feminist Majority, Planned Parenthood, YWCA, and the ACLU. Get involved. These groups need our support now more than ever.

And finally, we must ask ourselves what we can do to challenge sexism, racism, xenophobia, and marginalization as we move forward. Now is the time to act. Be aware of what’s going on in our community and find a way to get involved. We cannot afford to be silent at this moment. We may have lost this opportunity to see a woman as president, but as Hillary Clinton said so eloquently after her loss to Barack Obama in 2008, “Although we weren’t able to shatter that highest, hardest glass ceiling this time…the light is shining through like never before, filling us all with the hope and the sure knowledge that the path will be a little easier next time.”

Posted in 2016 election, Feminism, Politics, Trump | Comments Off on Feminist Reflections on the 2016 Presidential Election

Women’s Lib as Projected on the Screen

alice_doesnt_live_here_anymore_ver2born-in-flames-postercarroll-and-jones-claudineclaudine-street-scene-bwclaudine-sweet-talking-dudeclaudine-street-scene-whole-familymartin_scorsese_s_alice_doesn_t_live_here_anymore_1974-posterflo-kennedy-born-flames-image

“You need some vitamin F.” That’s the teasing advice Claudine gets from her women friends after she complains of not sleeping well.

“Could you live without a man around the house?” Alice Hyatt and her neighbor Bea ponder this question.

Let’s throw back 40 years or so to explore the question: How did American film culture tell the story of women’s liberation?

I recommend a double feature: Claudine (Diahann Carroll, James Earl Jones) and Alice Doesn’t Live Here Anymore (Ellen Burstyn, Kris Kristofferson). Both female leads received Oscar nominations for Best Actress. (Ellen Burstyn won.) Both films center around single mothers, their children, lovers, friends, and efforts to make a living. The films hit theaters in 1974, the year the Equal Credit Opportunity Act made it illegal to require single women to have male co-signers in order to apply for credit.

For a midnight chaser, watch filmmaker Lizzie Borden’s 1983 Born in Flames, set in a future America ten years after a peaceful transition to a socialist government, where some women feel compelled to form the Women’s Army.

Claudine was produced by the Third World Cinema Corporation, formed in 1971 by actors Ossie Davis, Rita Morena, James Earl Jones, Diana Sands and producer and political activist Hannah Weinstein. John Berry, who was blacklisted in the McCarthy Era, directs.

Claudine is rightly billed as a drama and a comedy. Claudine lives in New York City with six children, works off the books as a maid for a wealthy suburban family, and contends with a social worker whose job it is to track and deduct any external source of support from her government assistance, even small household gifts from her boyfriend Rupert (Roop), a garbage collector played by James Earl Jones. The charming Roop has children of his own and has to deal with his wages getting garnished for child support. When Claudine’s oldest son gets involved with the W.E.B. Dubois Community Center, the film’s politics widen further.

The comedy comes in the dialog between Claudine’s friends, her children, and in the delicious romantic interplay of Carroll and Jones. Curtis Mayfield wrote the music and produced the wonderful soundtrack, which features Gladys Knight and the Pips. The film carries viewers swiftly in an out of settings and is a trip back in time. Props and costumes from the 1970s, like the wide ties and portable record players, are fun to see, as are the streets of New York. Claudine flew under my radar until recently. I am happy to have discovered it.

The sitcom Alice may come to mind when you think about Martin Scorsese’s film Alice Doesn’t Live Here Anymore because the show was a spin-off, but if you haven’t seen the film in decades, or not at all, do not mistake it for the television comedy, and check out the movie. Scorsese’s masterful handiwork is evident in the many panning shots, warm tones, and feel for place and setting. In addition to Burstyn and Kristofferson, the screen fills with now-familiar actors such as Jodie Foster (at age 14), Harvey Keitel and Diane Ladd (nominated for an Academy Award for Best Supporting Actress for her portrayal of Flo, foul and funny).

The film triggers nostalgia in the sepia-toned opening shots of a farm like the one in The Wizard of Oz, with Alice Faye singing “You’ll Never Know” from a 1943 film on the soundtrack. Then the young Alice, looking much like Dorothy, sets us laughing with her foul mouth. She wants to grow up to be a singer better than Alice Faye and says anyone who doubts her can “blow it out their ass.” We fast forward 21 years and find saucy Alice married and a mother living a dour life in Socorro, New Mexico. The quest in her adult life is to get back to the confidence and self-determination of her girlhood.

Divided into three acts, the story begins with Alice working hard and failing to please a chronically angry, truck-driving husband. She resorts to weeping into her pillow to elicit physical affection from him. She reveals her true self to her smart, funny 11-year-old son, and they collude for survival. The second act has unexpectedly widowed Alice and her son start west for California but take a break in Tucson to earn cash. Alice finds work as a jazz singer but soon has to flee for safety and makes it to Phoenix, the setting for the third act. Here she works at Mel’s diner and some of the film’s more comic moments find life in the diner’s various characters. Valerie Curtain as Vera adds an absurdist dimension and even slapstick. The enjoyable soundtrack starts with Alice Faye but moves through the Gershwins, Mott the Hoople and Elton John. Like Claudine, Alice Doesn’t Live Here Anymore is great as a period piece but still has relevancy in its situations.

In stark contrast, Born in Flames features music from The Bloods, an all-female punk-funk band, and rockers The Red Krayola. Lizzie Borden’s 1983 underground, feminist film still stands out for its originality and relevance (eerily in the ending), and is enjoying a revival, having been recently restored by Anthology Film Archives in New York City. As a result, it’s easy to find engaging, current interviews with Borden.

Pieced together over many years on a limited budget and using mostly untrained actors, the film feels ragged, raw, radical and real. Florynce (Flo) Kennedy, activist lawyer and founder of the Feminist Party in 1971 that nominated Representative Shirley Chisholm for president, plays a prominent role in the film. Set in NYC “Ten Years After the Social Democratic War of Liberation,” the story surrounds women who retain second-class status and organize rebellion, the government who tracks them, radio DJ’s who promote them, and young women journalists transformed by them. This provocative film is a sure way to stimulate discussion. As Borden says in her February 18, 2016 Flavorwire interview with Alison Nastasi: “The reason I had set it after the first social democratic cultural revolution was that, even after the revolution, there still will be the “woman problem.” Women will still be discriminated against. There still will be white, male privilege. Even after the most idealistic win, what do you do about the “woman question”? (http://flavorwire.com/561757/choice-is-paramount-to-everything-filmmaker-lizzie-borden-on-the-radical-feminism-of-born-in-flames

Posted in film | Comments Off on Women’s Lib as Projected on the Screen

Disaster Waiting to Happen: Coal Ash Threatens Illinois’ Only National Scenic River

The Middle Fork of the Vermilion River is a swift-running stream that freely meanders from the north to the south through the Middle Fork State Fish and Wildlife Area, Kennewick County Park, and Kickapoo State Park in nearby Vermilion County. If you are among those who have paddled, fished, or hiked along the Middle Fork, you know why advocates worked so hard to have it designated both a State and National Scenic River nearly 30 years ago. The river is known for its clear-running waters; high, sandstone bluffs; gravel bottom, punctuated by large boulders and rocks; and a changing gradient with riffles that make it a fun river to run in a kayak or canoe. Together, the Middle Fork and surrounding open space corridor support 57 types of fish; 45 different mammals; and 190 kinds of birds. Twenty-four species are officially identified as threatened or endangered.

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Location map of Dynegy Coal Ash Pits. All photos and graphics courtesy Pam Richart, Eco-Justice Collaborative

But the state’s only National Scenic River also is home to the now-shuttered Vermilion Power Station and 3.3 million cubic yards of coal ash. This coal-fired power plant, now owned by Dynegy Midwest Generation, overlooks the river from its west bank, about 12 miles upstream from Danville. Over 55 years, Dynegy and its predecessors dumped 3.3 million cubic yards of toxic coal ash into three pits constructed in the river’s floodplain. That is enough material to cover over 1547 NFL football fields with one foot of ash, or fill the Willis (Sears) tower nearly two times!

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Dynegy Vermilion’s three coal ash pits, aerial view

Coal ash is the waste that is left over after burning coal to generate electricity. It contains toxic metals such as lead, mercury, arsenic, cadmium, chromium and selenium, which are known to cause birth defects, cancer and neurological damage in humans and wildlife. If Dynegy has its way, the Illinois Environmental Protection Agency (IEPA) will approve a plan that will permanently leave the waste in its current location. Eco-Justice Collaborative and Prairie Rivers Network are working on a coordinated campaign calling for the IEPA to require Dynegy to move its coal ash out of the floodplain to a properly-constructed, lined facility on its property, away from the river.

What’s the Threat?

The Old East Pit and North Ash pit are unlined and leaking toxic metals into the groundwater and the river. Class I groundwater quality standards have been exceeded for boron, iron, manganese, sulfate, total dissolved solids, pH and arsenic.

The New East Pit is lined, but was constructed over mine voids, raising concerns over its long-term stability. Most importantly, the meandering river has seriously eroded riverbanks next to these three pits, moving the channel closer and closer to the walls of the impoundments that hold back the toxic waste. In fact, the river has so severely eroded the banks of the newest coal ash pit that Dynegy recently received approval from state and federal agencies to install emergency stream bank stabilization for a distance of 485 feet. Work along the riverbank abutting the New East Ash Pit is underway, but according to information obtained via the Freedom of Information Act, just 10 feet separated the river from the toe of the coal ash embankment at one location.

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Failed gabions next to Old East Ash Pit, April 2016

Although Dynegy is currently working to reinforce banks abutting the New East Ash Pit, gabions (wire cages with rock) installed in the early 1980’s along the Old East and North Ash Pits are deteriorating and literally falling into the river. This leaves banks that abut these two coal ash pits vulnerable for a distance of nearly 1/2 mile. At this time, there are no proposals from Dynegy to repair or replace failed stream bank protection measures along the two oldest pits.

A breach of just one of these pits could send millions of cubic yards of toxic ash down the river, much like the 2008 catastrophe in Tennessee, where a dam at TVA’s Kingston Fossil Plant near Harriman TN failed, and 5.4 million cubic yards of coal ash cascaded into the Emory and Clinch Rivers. The breach released a slow-moving wave of toxic sludge into the rivers that smothered about 300 acres of land, snapping trees as if they were twigs and knocking homes off their foundations. More recently, a pipe ruptured under a coal ash pit at a Duke Energy Power Plant near Eden, North Carolina, in 2014, sending 46,000 cubic yards of toxic waste into the Dan River. And just last month, flooding associated with Hurricane Matthew caused a coal ash spill from a pit associated with Duke Energy’s H.F. Lee Power Plant near Goldsboro, North Carolina, releasing coal ash into the Neuse River. Investigations are underway to determine the extent of the damage.

“If a breach of these coal ash pits occurred, and just a little over 1% of Dynegy’s coal ash entered the river, it would be comparable to the volume released in Duke Energy’s 2014 Dan River spill that sent coal ash 70 miles downstream.” – Lan Richart, Eco-Justice Collaborative

This toxic waste poses a long-term threat to the river, to the people who depend on it, and to the recreational and economic values that it provides to the region. A spill on the Middle Fork could leave massive cleanup costs to taxpayers, and Illinois’ only National Scenic River and adjacent wildlife and recreation areas would be devastated. Vermilion County and the City of Danville plan to capitalize on the scenic and recreational potential of the river and its economic potential for tourism. More than one million people visit the area each year, providing much-needed opportunities for a region that has experienced de-industrialization and out-migration over the years.

2016-11-03-richart-failed-gabions-2-old-east-ash-pit

Failed gabions, Old East Ash Pit, April 2016

Dynegy’s Proposed “Fix”

The National Park Service has repeatedly called on Dynegy to move its coal ash out of the floodplain, citing that the presence of this toxic waste is inconsistent with the purpose and intent of a National Scenic River. But Dynegy, whose 2015 gross profits exceeded $1.8 billion, has dismissed the option of removing the coal ash from the floodplain, citing “unfavorable costs.” Instead, the power company has proposed closing the ponds by leaving them in the floodplain and capping them with a PVC liner and 36 inches of dirt. This is the plan that has been submitted to the Illinois EPA for approval.

But even Dynegy admits in its own reports that the coal ash pits could eventually fail. Their “cap and leave” proposal is a short-term solution that will put the liability for this dangerous site directly into the hands of future generations.

What You Can Do

Go to http://ecojusticecollaborative.org and click TAKE ACTION to send a letter to Governor Rauner and IEPA Director Alec Messina that asks them to protect the Middle Fork River and the people of Vermilion County. Tell them you oppose any decision that allows Dynegy to leave its toxic waste in the floodplain, because it would put the river at risk and destroy the resource upon which Vermilion County and the City of Danville are building their future. Also, leaving the pits in place will mean state and county taxpayers will shoulder costs associated with future maintenance, repair, and potential cleanup.

Don’t wait. Do this today!

November 1, 2016

Eco-Justice Collaborative is a Champaign-based non-profit that uses education, advocacy and action to address urgent environmental issues, while integrating their work with ongoing struggles for social and economic justice.

 

Posted in Environment | Comments Off on Disaster Waiting to Happen: Coal Ash Threatens Illinois’ Only National Scenic River

Activists Among Us: Esther Patt

By Julie Laut

It is easier than ever today to “virtually” act on behalf of social justice issues. Emails come to your inbox and with just a click of a button you can send a robo-letter to your senator or an organization. Social media bombards us with pleas to sign petitions and send donations. New technological tools have played a crucial role in modern social action across the globe, but for some those same tools can too easily offer a certain level of self-satisfaction when in fact the action is safely distanced from the hands-on work of most community activism. Not so for the activists I am meeting for these articles.

Esther Patt embodies in the most fundamental sense the term “activist.” She stands up, she speaks up, she acts. She recalls in detail her first foray into community activism as a UIUC student in 1976 when she led a drive to register approximately 7,000 new student voters. This was no easy task at a time when who could register a voter and under what circumstances was more strictly controlled. She continues to be involved in voter registration today.

Patt started her now 40-year commitment to work on behalf of tenants’ rights just after the 1976 voter registration drive ended. She initially volunteered at the UIUC Tenant Union before working as a paid employee from 1979-2012. Since her retirement four years ago, she continues to work as Director of the Champaign-Urbana Tenant Union. The vast majority of Patt’s hours are spent in direct service to student and community member tenants, helping them understand their rights and responsibilities according to state and local law. Her knowledge of those rights runs deep, due to her work to bring about changes in both the Champaign and Urbana human rights ordinances to include protections against discrimination in housing in the late 1970s, and the comprehensive Urbana Landlord-Tenant Ordinance that passed in early 1994.

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Patt’s work to end discrimination in housing continues today in her work to change the Housing Authority of Champaign County (HACC) Board of Commissioners’ policy toward people with conviction records. Unlike the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), which only bans persons from public housing who are registered sex offenders or convicted of the manufacture of methamphetamine, HACC policy also excludes public housing applicants who have less than five years since their last drug-related or forcible felony conviction. Patt believes that this discriminatory HACC policy undermines efforts to reduce recidivism by preventing those recently released from jail or prison from finding stable housing or living with family in public housing.

Patt is also a fiercely committed feminist whose most important life-long political issue has been the defense of women’s access to safe and affordable abortions. She believes that any attempt to undermine women’s freedom of choice results in women losing their adult standing, and she criticizes many on the Left for shying away from the abortion issue over the years. She helped establish the now-defunct Abortion Rights Coalition (ARC) in the mid-1970s to fight the cut-off of Medicaid coverage for abortions under the Hyde Amendment, a legislative provision barring the use of federal funds to pay for abortions for low-income women except in cases of rape or incest, or to save a mother’s life. Patt, who argues that abortion should not be treated differently than any other medical issue, is proud that Illinois is one of the few states where the ACLU successfully sued on behalf of Planned Parenthood and won court-ordered non-discriminatory public funding of abortion. She also tirelessly has lobbied individual state legislators to commit to pro-abortion stances, including lobbying Dick Durbin, who was anti-choice at the start of his political career but is now a leader of the pro-choice movement in the U.S. Senate, and says she will not vote for any candidate who does not fully support abortion rights.

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Writing about Claire Szoke in these pages a few months ago, I learned that to be an activist requires compassion. Her belief that all individuals deserve respect and the opportunity to live in a fair and safe society has led her to protest against war, work toward fair wages, and support sanctuary for refugees and asylum-seekers.

Meeting Esther Patt has taught me that to be an activist requires finding your voice. Near the end of our conversation, Patt spoke passionately about the need to put aside one’s fears in order to stand up and speak out for what you believe in. Too often people are afraid to rock the boat or make others uncomfortable, when in reality most of us are putting little at risk by taking action on political issues. So what if you make a few enemies along the way, she asks. We all learn on the elementary school playground that no matter how hard you try, not everyone is going to like you anyway. You might as well make your voice and your actions count.

Julie Laut lives in Urbana. This is the second in a series of articles highlighting women who have been long-time community activists on behalf of social, economic, racial, and gender justice issues in Urbana-Champaign.

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History Matters: A Look Back at the Champaign County Labor Movement of the 1920s

For the past two years, newspaper headlines across Illinois have carried grim reports of budget impasse and inadequate funding for core state services and institutions, including for our flagship University in Urbana-Champaign.  Unfortunately, such dire reports are nothing new.

“University’s Progress Being Held in Check Because of Lack of Funds”

This headline was published not last week, or last year, but all the way back in 1921.  It was a report in the Twin City Review, a Champaign County labor newspaper that ran for nearly a decade. The reporter went on to explain, “It is sad, indeed, that in the great commonwealth of Illinois, its chief seat of learning must be held back because of the lack of funds…Unionists realize the necessity of higher education, that their children may become better prepared to combat the battles of life.” Four years later, the newspaper ran a story titled “Labor Pleads for Full U. I. Appropriation.” This article described how Illinois labor leaders were lobbying the legislature to fund the University.

They say the more things change…the more they stay the same. At different points during the last century, local residents have had to navigate through economic recessions, depressions, funding cuts and attacks on unions. Throughout this history union members have organized and stood up for a more fair and just economy for Urbana and Champaign.

The local labor newspaper helped foster communication between the different unions and the local community. Much like today’s alternative news outlets such as the Public I, the Twin City Review provided in-depth reporting on issues that mattered to local working people. Such issues were often ignored or scantily covered by the mainstream media. The newspaper focused on stories important to both trade unionists and farmers. It gave unions a forum to share their struggles and successes, build solidarity, and celebrate a shared sense of labor community.

Labor Day Parade and Celebration

One way that the local labor movement built a sense of community during the 1920s was through the annual Labor Day parade and celebration. The parade gave local workers a chance to show off their union pride while hosting a family-oriented event.

In 1921, the Twin City Review ran ads for a “Monster Labor Day.” The Musicians Union promised to bring out the “best in the land” to play some “real classy music.” There would also be free watches and fountain pens for children. The parade route began at West Side Park in Champaign, and then marched down Green Street, ending with a celebration in Crystal Lake Park in Urbana.

The parade lineup included some unions that are still around today, and some that no longer exist in Urbana and Champaign. This reveals both the incredible continuity of local organized labor, as well as how unions have vanished from certain job sectors. The Women’s Label League marched at the front of the parade, followed by the Janitors, the Laborers, Stagehands, Carpenters, Printers, Barbers, Meat Cutters, Letter Carriers, Sheet Metal Workers, Bricklayers, Musicians, Teamsters, Plumbers and Steam Fitters, Machinists, Plasterers, and several railway unions. The Auto Mechanics brought up the end of the parade.

Buy the Union Label

Having the Women’s Label League kick off the Labor Day Parade demonstrates the importance of these women to the local labor movement in the 1920s. During this era, women and people of color were often marginalized or altogether left out of organized labor. The Women’s Labor Union League is an example of how women found ways to make their presence felt in the movement. The purpose of the league was to encourage local retailers to carry union-made products, and then convince consumers to purchase those goods. In 1921, the League held an Oyster Supper to raise funds to support their work.

The women found an ally in the Twin City Review. The paper spent considerable ink on stories and ads aimed at getting readers to “buy the union label.” A union label is an easily identifiable stamp that lets consumers know that workers from a particular union have produced an item. During the 1920s store shelves were filled with goods bearing union labels, from women’s clothing and shoes to batteries and even ice cream. There were so many different labels that the Twin City Review ran a contest, where readers could win cash prizes for correctly identifying the dozens of different union labels that were stamped on local products. Another prize was offered for the best 100-word essay on “Why I should demand the Union Label.”

The proliferation of union-made goods is one tangible difference between our current era and the 1920s labor movement. Today, with the growth of globalized capitalism, many goods are produced overseas or in states with low union density—where both wages and workplace safety standards lag behind unionized regions. It has become increasingly hard to find products stamped with the union label.

The Twin City Review also periodically provided more in-depth coverage of why consumers should consider certain union-made projects. A 1921 column on the Bakers and Confectionary Workers Union warned that non-union bread might be filled with “filler and substitutes.” According to a Bakers Union representative, “Local bread is pure, wholesome and nourishing. Every union bakery in the Twin Cities is sanitary…Every unionist and believer in the trade-at-home slogan should eat more local made bread.” During the early twentieth century concern about food safety was on the rise. Upton Sinclair’s 1906 novel, The Jungle, had brought readers a harrowing glimpse into the often unsavory world of food manufacturing in Chicago’s meatpacking district. As the public clamored for improved food safety standards, the Bakers Union tapped into that concern to frame the importance of their labor in providing wholesome foods for area households.

Unions’ Importance to the Community

The Twin City Review made an effort to explain the tangible importance of union members to their local community. The paper included columns and advertisements aimed at quantifying the impact of union members for Champaign County. One ad published in 1928 declared that the 2,500 local union members represented more than $4.5 million in earning power. The ad also explained that 75 percent of union members owned their homes. Finally, the ad emphasized the union’s role in local philanthropic work with the statement, “Labor is always back of any cause or movement for the betterment of the community.” Ads like this attempted to portray the investment of union members in Urbana-Champaign.

That investment included advocating for a fully funded public university, creating family-oriented public events, urging consumers to buy local, advocating for safer food standards, and building a membership that put down roots in the local community.

By the end of the 1920s, the paper ceased to operate, possibly a casualty of the Great Depression. Although it was short-lived, the Twin City Review gives a glimpse into how the labor movement became woven into the tapestry of community life in Urbana-Champaign.

Stephanie Seawell Fortado has just began work as a lecturer for the University of Illinois Labor Education Program, focusing on providing workshops and extension programming for unions and the general public. She completed her PhD at the University of Illinois, where she studied African American working class and social movement history. She is a past Executive Director of the Illinois Labor History Society, and past President, Treasurer, Bargaining Team and Strike Committee member of the Graduate Employees Organization 6300, of the Illinois Federation of Teachers and former delegate to the Champaign County Labor Council. She is currently a member of newly formed Non-Tenure Faculty Coalition, Local 6546.

Interested in reading more from the Twin City Review? Visit the Champaign County Historical Archives at the Urbana Free Library. 

 

 

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Hip-Hop and the Black Radical Tradition in CU

i must confess that waltzes
do not move me.
i have no sympathy
for symphonies

i guess i hummed the Blues
too early,
and spent too many midnights
out wailing in the rain.

Assata Shakur – Culture

The tradition of Black music infusing the bloodstreams of radical Black movements extends back to the spirituals our first enslaved ancestors sang as they wished, and fought, for their liberation. This Black musical tradition, that combined both art and struggle, went on to envelop the Black feminisms of artists like Billie Holiday and Bessie Smith.  It existed within the gospel songs sung in the dynamic “centers” of the Civil Rights Movement—Black churches—as well as the jazz music favored by the Black Power generation of revolutionaries and radical Black students. Today, this tradition lives on through Hip-Hop.

Through Hip-Hop, several generations of activists have now found their own beat to step to on our peoples’ fatigued, yet determined, march towards liberation. Here in Champaign-Urbana, Hip-Hop has contributed positively to the organizing efforts of young Black activists in a number of different ways. This essay will provide a short overview of Hip-Hop’s relationship with local Black activism as well as provide contextual snapshots of several local Black artist-activists who find innovative ways to fuse our culture into our movement.

Please note that I am writing this from the perspective of a participant-observer who, after only spending the past two-and-a-half years in Champaign-Urbana, has had the pleasure of developing close artistic, organizational, and personal relationships with several of the people and community institutions I’ll be briefly profiling. In writing this, I hope to both promote the awesome work being produced by local Black artists, and to send a love note to the community I have found joined here that has helped me to find my own ‘beat’.

My introduction to the local Black Hip-Hop community was through the work of Saving Our Lives, Hear Our Truths, or SOLHOT, an organization that provides a celebratory and healing space for Black girls. The annual Black Girl Genius Week events that SOLHOT organizes brings together artist-activists from across the local community and the nation, including renowned poet Nikki Finney, to affirm the lives and geniuses of Black girls. The invaluable work of UIUC Education professor Ruth Nicole Brown, known by her students as “Dr. B,” and the rest of the SOLHOT crew has opened my eyes to new possibilities of incorporating Hip-Hop into communal institutions of healing and childhood development.

Through SOLHOT, I met and begun working with a Hip-Hop duo named Mother Nature, comprised of MCs Klevah and T.R.U.T.H. Through their music and activism, this duo exemplifies the Black radical tradition. As founding members of the Champaign-Urbana chapter of Black Lives Matter, these two artists took an active role in struggling for the changes they sought for their community. This past summer, Mother Nature led the organization of two “protest cyphers” in Champaign following the police killings of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile. The first took place downtown and included an impromptu march during peak dinner hours, which startled many local white residents. The second was located at Douglass Park and concluded with a public cypher/teach-in on grassroots organizing. These two events brought high school and college students of color together to express their frustration with the intense racism of american society through Hip-Hop.  Furthermore, these artistic forms of protests exposed emerging young activists to communal forms of resistance—lessons that I believe will prove valuable to them in the years to come.

Hip-Hop has helped strengthen the linkages between community and UIUC campus-based activism in many ways. Local poet Shaya Robinson and the North End Breakfast Club, a Black men’s community improvement organization, organize the monthly S.P.E.A.K. Café open mic events. These events, located on UIUC’s campus, bring together both campus and community artists into one space and heavily feature Hip-Hop art forms. Black Students for Revolution, a radical Black student organization at UIUC that I am a part of, joined as a co-sponsor for these events in October. During each of these open mic events, the audience is given updates on the progress of student demands and community issues such as local efforts to curb the spread of mass incarceration. Thus, these spaces serve not only as sites of artistic expression, but also of communal political engagement.

On UIUC’s campus, those of us within Black Students for Revolution have found ways to incorporate Hip-Hop into our organizing work. During the October 24th Student Walkout for a Transformed University, Hip-Hop music played before the event and between speeches to entertain (and possibly educate) the crowd. Throughout our demands-making process, I produced several Hip-Hop instrumentals to serve as the musical backdrop for the online videos promoting the demands. And finally, during a recent invitation to perform on a local radio program at WEFT 90.1 FM, BSFR member and saxophonist Opetoritse Adefolalu, poet Shaya Robinson, MCs CJ Run and Ausar Bradley, and myself among others promoted the upcoming open mic while providing our listeners with a dazzling array of spoken word, musical performances, and freestyle cyphers.

What I have briefly summarized for you here is only a glimpse into the relationship between Hip-Hop and local Black activism in and surrounding Champaign-Urbana. With Hip-Hop’s ability to educate, empower, heal, and radicalize its listeners all at the same time, I am excited to see the new ways that Hip-Hop will be utilized by our artist-activists in the future. For a fuller understanding of this relationship, I encourage you to learn more about the artists I named above and to make an effort to see them perform live. It will not be an experience you will forget.

sunny-tureSunny Ture is a Hip-Hop artist and activist from Evansville, Indiana that organizes with Black Students For Revolution.  At the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, Sunny is a graduate student researching Black music’s relationship with radical Black social movements.  More information about his organizing work with BSFR can be found at BSFRUIUC.com.

 

Posted in African Americans, Arts, Youth | Comments Off on Hip-Hop and the Black Radical Tradition in CU

“Anti-Refugeeism without Refugees” in Eastern Europe

Analysts of post-World War II, post-Holocaust Eastern Europe coined the term “Anti-Semitism without Jews” to characterize the uncanny persistence of prejudice in countries mostly cleansed of any actual Jewish presence. The category of “Jew” took on a symbolic character, incorporating historical prejudices, a deflection of the Communist politics of fear, exclusive national and social identities, and a coded opposition to the rulers. Something similar seems to be happening in this region today, but “the refugee” has been substituted as the symbolic antagonist. The difference is that this new phobia is generated by freely-elected governments, rather than bubbling up spontaneously from below.

Government-funded anti-refugee billboards blanketing the Hungarian landscape.

Government-funded anti-refugee billboards blanketing the Hungarian landscape.

When I arrived in Hungary this summer, the billboards along the highway leading into town from the Budapest airport, typically sporting Italian swimwear ads and announcements of blockbuster pop concerts, had been taken over by bold, blue, impossible-to-ignore calls to vote in an October 2 referendum on the refugee question. Each one demanded “DID YOU KNOW?,” and continued with “facts”—conjured from half-truths, volatile juxtapositions, and popular opinions—such as: “Since the start of the refugee crisis, more than 300 people have died in Europe in terror attacks.” “Since the start of the refugee crisis, the number of assaults on women in Europe has increased drastically.” “Brussels [shorthand for all European Union institutions] wants to settle enough illegal immigrants to populate a whole city in Hungary.”

Government anti-refugee referendum billboard. Text reads: "Let's send a message to Brussels that they'll understand!"

Government anti-refugee referendum billboard. Text reads: “Let’s send a message to Brussels that they’ll understand!”

The referendum was formulated by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s government to read: “Do you want the European Union, even without the [Hungarian] Parliament’s involvement, to be able to order the obligatory settlement of non-Hungarian citizens in Hungary?” There is currently no European Union (EU) mandate in place to resettle refugees across all 28 member states. Such a proposal was considered last year during the refugee crisis, when almost a million would-be immigrants, most from war-torn countries such as Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan, made their way to Greece and up through the Balkans, through Hungary towards more developed Western and Northern European destinations. (See my article in the October, 2015 Public i.) But in the face of determined opposition led by the so-called “Visegrad Group” of countries (in addition to Hungary, the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia), the proposed regulation was withdrawn; a more limited proposal is under discussion, but is, at a minimum, months away from being enacted.

During that 2015 crisis, German Prime Minister Angela Merkel’s astonishing open-door response, accepting over a million immigrants in 2015 (this figure includes those who arrived by other routes) provided a negative example for Orbán, and for many Hungarians and other East Europeans who felt they could not afford such generosity. (Merkel herself has faced a backlash within Germany, and subsequently admitted “mistakes” in refugee policy, which has been tightened.) The Hungarian PM, who has intensified his rhetorical and political anti-EU stance over the past several years, sees an opening to increase his European profile. Harnessing widespread resentment towards refugees, he aspires to assemble and lead a conservative nationalist bloc within the EU that opposes not only refugee resettlement but EU bureaucratic and political overreach in general. The fear campaign in the months leading up to the vote last month, backed by unprecedented government propaganda expenditures, follows a well-worn script to distract citizens from widespread economic hardship, and the ruling party’s corruption and ever-escalating consolidation of power in all spheres.

Although 2015 asylum applications to Hungary were actually the highest per capita in Europe (second only to Germany in total), this was due to its location on the new transit route, and to EU rules mandating applications be made in the country of first arrival. Practically none of the refugees wanted to stay in Hungary—they were bound and determined to reach countries where there were more opportunities for work and fellow countrypeople to receive them, primarily Germany and Great Britain. The completion of a fence along the whole of Hungary’s southern border with Serbia and Croatia, and stepped-up, robust enforcement of a “zero tolerance” policy, has slowed new entries to a trickle (and spawned criticism by Human Rights Watch and others, including reports of brutality against asylum-seekers). The Hungarian Red Cross estimates the number of refugees in Hungary at between 3500 and 4500 at any one time—less than 0.05% of the population. In the first five months of this year, a mere 76 asylum applications were accepted (as compared with 174,400 for 2015). Thus, in sharp contrast to e.g. Germany, encountering a refugee in Hungary is hardly a common occurrence.

The government’s billboard campaign was quickly countered by the absurdist Two-Tailed Dog Party, which collected enough money from those opposed to the fear campaign for a widespread counter-campaign of billboards and paid posters, as well as stickers put up by volunteers. These messages, with the tagline “Stupid Answer to a Stupid Question” (referring to the referendum question), all featured the official lead-in “DID YOU KNOW?,” followed by more or less ridiculous statements, such as “An average Hungarian will see more UFOs than refugees in his/her lifetime,” “Since the beginning of the migrant crisis, there have been more blue billboards [in Hungary] than immigrants,” “As long as people are worrying about refugees, less needs to be spent on the health care system,” and “In Syria, there’s a war on.” The messages encouraged people to “vote invalid”—that is, to spoil their ballots. The tactical aspect of this was that voting rules require valid votes by at least 50% of eligible voters. The serious opposition, meanwhile, was split between those advocating a boycott, with the same calculation, and a smaller proportion that, for moral and political reasons, pushed a “Yes” vote, to show support for Europe and a pro-refugee stance.

Poster of the Two-Tailed Dog Party opposing the government anti-EU campaign. Hungary receives billions in EU funds every year.

Poster of the Two-Tailed Dog Party opposing the government anti-EU campaign. Hungary receives billions in EU funds every year.

The government’s stretch-run effort shifted from button-pushing rhetoric to blunt force, with new billboards, in the national colors, stating “Let’s not risk it – VOTE NO!” The Two-Tailed Dog Party stickers were widely defaced or ripped down, including in my neighborhood (a fairly prosperous, and fairly right-wing, one in the first district). Over 97% of votes cast on October 2 supported the government position; but the total of valid votes was about 3.3 million, just over 42% of eligible voters—making the referendum a failure, legally. While the opposition trumpeted this as a success, the government cited the almost unanimous support of those who voted as a vindication, and potent ammunition to push the anti-refugee position in EU forums, as well as an anti-refugee amendment to the Hungarian Constitution.

Defaced Two-Tailed Dog Party Poster. The one underneath reads: "You're ripping it down in vain, the same thing is underneath!"

Defaced Two-Tailed Dog Party Poster. The one underneath reads: “You’re ripping it down in vain, the same thing is underneath!”

Orbán is sure to find allies in the other Visegrad countries, at the very least, who have been no less extreme than Hungary in their anti-refugee rhetoric and advocacy. Despite having even fewer actual migrants among them, due to their location off the beaten path of the main transit route, they also refuse quotas, or offer to take Christian refugees only. East Europeans and their leaders alike have been roundly criticized for their uncaring and “backwards” stance towards those fleeing war and suffering. But it behooves Western critics to keep in mind the often less-than-enlightened reactions (Merkel’s excepted) in their own countries, from attacks on refugee shelters in Germany; the misery of camps such as the infamous Jungle near Calais, France, recently and brutally closed; the virulence of anti-immigrant rhetoric in the Brexit debate; and the rise of anti-immigrant parties and politicians across Western Europe—not to mention Mr. Trump and his “beautiful wall.” East Europeans, themselves migrants in the millions in the wealthier countries of the EU, are themselves subjected to anti-immigrant rhetoric—Poles were a particular target during the Brexit run-up—and even verbal abuse, beatings and worse: in late August a factory worker in Harlow, England was murdered by a group of local youths for speaking Polish. The picture is hardly black-and-white; as so often, those themselves suffering inequality turn against those even lower on the perceived totem pole.

Two days before the referendum, thousands of Hungarians, bearing signs such as “Do no harm!” and “I was once a refugee” and endorsed by leading writers, singers, film and theater directors and other cultural luminaries, demonstrated in front of Parliament, showing that a more universal humanitarianism is not absent here. They, along with the millions who didn’t cast a valid vote—whether from conviction or passivity—give hope that another (Eastern) Europe is possible.

Pro-refugee demonstration in Budapest on September 30.

Pro-refugee demonstration in Budapest on September 30.

Posted in International, Politics, Refugees | Comments Off on “Anti-Refugeeism without Refugees” in Eastern Europe

Battling ISIS and Other Distractions from the Bigger Picture

Current operations to scrub out Islamic State (ISIS) bases have restored American confidence in state-of-the-art military solutions for complex problems, but unfortunately these battles (and the undefined relationship with Russia, Turkey or the Assad regime in the post-ISIS era) also offer a comfortable distraction from more disturbing questions. Victory in Mosul or Raqqa will encourage Americans to think of ISIS as a vestige of the past that can be easily excised, but it would be better to study ISIS as a preview of emerging forms of non-state organization. ISIS is as much a product of the modern era as the weapons deployed against it.

ISIS Militants Gather in Syria’s Raqqa Province to Attack Kurds

ISIS Militants Gather in Syria’s Raqqa Province to Attack Kurds, early 2016. All images stock ISIS photos.

While ISIS fighters are frequently characterized as delusional interlopers from the past, jihadists are not artifacts from some isolated village untouched by contemporary life; rather, they are solidly entrenched in the global cultural and economic marketplace. In fact, the worldview of these extremists has been formed by global and regional events that have touched them far more than they touched Americans of a similar generation. The Soviet-Afghan war of the 1980s, the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the leftist opposition throughout the Middle East, world indifference to the massacre of Bosnian Muslims, 9-11 and the subsequent Global War on Terror with its laser focus on eliminating extremists rather than improving human security….these are the events that have undone the nation-state architecture laid upon the region after World War I. The jihadist founders are very much  products of this contemporary unmaking of the world, not inexplicable dissenters from modernity.

Members of these extremist groups also experienced the global economic shifts that have indeed provided opportunities for some, but left many with a disorienting loss of control over their lives and communities. The integration of local, regional and global markets, the recessions of the 1990s and 2008, and the volatility of petroleum prices and oil-dependent government budgets have driven home the realization that individual lives are increasingly subject to international economic developments. Migration to Europe has captured world attention over the past two years, but in the last three decades waves of regional migration from rural to urban, from agriculture to industry, and from constricting to expanding economies have rocked and reshaped the entire world. Humans who must leave behind their families in order to support them are not ignorant of the modern economy, they are all too aware of its intrusion into their lives.

2016-11-04-jayes-4

ISIS’s version of the popular video game Call of Duty shows both a sophisticated approach to recruitment and highlights how its the fascination with violence is shared with popular culture in the West.

Culturally, the ISIS crowd is also well exposed to modern life. Unfortunately, they are exposed to the worst of Western exports (slasher films and shooter games top my list) far more thoroughly than they encounter our civil liberties traditions. And the American catastrophe in Iraq and Afghanistan is constantly before them, contributing to the violence we then blame on the region. It is the Americans, in fact, that could be accused of living in an ahistorical bubble. We have been at war in the region since 2001 and yet most Americans cannot find Afghanistan or Iraq on a map or understand why eliminating key jihadist leaders hasn’t crippled the extremist challenge. It is Americans who could more appropriately be accused of being insufficiently globalized.

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ISIS social media propaganda. ISIS has not only mastered social media, but their campaigns reveal Western-style approaches to marketing.

And of course the technology of ISIS is undeniably modern. ISIS’s mastery of social media replicated the dynamics of the Arab Spring in a way that even surprised Al Qaeda as it eschewed organizational hierarchies and leaped ahead into the global marketplace of ideas. ISIS has a clearly successful PR and marketing strategy; the ISIS brand is popular not only with supporters from Colorado, Morocco or London, but with self-proclaimed affiliates in Mali, Nigeria or Belgium. The magic of the internet provides easy access to anonymous funding, arms  and a global labor pool of willing recruits, a discovery made also by the multiplying militias across Syria. And finally, having few social or economic investments in traditional military tools will enable ISIS and other groups to make an easy adaptation to cyberwarfare in the future.

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Those who join ISIS seek a sense of community and purpose after having lost the sense of identity and belonging that gives order to the social fabric.

While the world has been horrified by the brutality of ISIS, the emotional landscape of ISIS devotees is hardly alien territory to any modern society. Over and over the same themes appear in statements of those who drop out of their old lives and reappear in promotional videos for the new caliphate. As a group they are rarely well-schooled in religion and have little political vision of the world they claim to be building. What attracts them would be pitiful if the outcomes were not so tragic: they seek a sense of community and purpose after having lost the sense of identity and belonging that gives order to the social fabric. They are not holdouts from modernity, they are the objects of modernization: theirs is an existentialist crisis that spans classes and cultures and might be the most universal token of modernity.

The territorial hold of ISIS might indeed be broken after the battles of Mosul and Raqqa, but that won’t eliminate the factors that fed into the ISIS challenge. The increased technological ability of non-state organizations to challenge state systems, the emotional and economic anomie that contributes to the breakdown of traditional social ties, and the barely disguised apprehension about the future are not going to end with the capture of Mosul.

In fact, those same factors are already driving political transformations closer to home. The most negative varieties, such as the rise of international criminal gangs like those recently linked to the wave of homicides in El Salvador, the expansion of drug and human trafficking cartels that exploit distorted notions of “family” loyalty, and the rise of right-wing nativist rhetoric in Europe and in America all feed on the same emotional and cultural anxieties as ISIS. They employ the same technological abilities to create transnational movements and increasingly envision a political future in which the goal is not the capture of the state, but the rejection of the state itself.

ISIS’s ability to terrorize populations and disrupt lives won’t be missed when it is dislodged from Syria and Iraq, but dismissing the ISIS challenge as if it were a confrontation between a modern military and an archaic opponent distracts us from the greater challenge—how to address this definitively modern problem of transnational non-state actors that feed off the discontents of the modern world? Dealing with the demands of Russia, Turkey and the Assad regime appears comfortingly familiar by comparison.

Fourth in a series on the Syrian War

2016 05 13 Janice Jayes

Janice Lee Jayes, Ph.D. teaches Modern Middle East history at Illinois State University. She has worked in Morocco, Latvia, Kyrgyzstan, and was a Fulbright scholar in Egypt.

 

Posted in Middle East, Syria | Comments Off on Battling ISIS and Other Distractions from the Bigger Picture

What Makes Jimmy Run?

The News-Gazette has a long history of extreme right-wing editorial columnists. In the 1940s and 1950s it was Eddie Jaquin. From the late 1980s until his downfall in the late 1990s it was John Hirschfeld, who was also the paper’s CEO and corporate attorney.

Jim Dey follows very much in this line. Opinions page editor Dey, apparently, based on the topics chosen and rhetorical style, writes the lion’s share of the unsigned editorials. He also writes two bylined columns per week that often overlap in subject and style with the daily unsigned editorials.

Jim Dey is very smart. He especially likes playing the ‘pseudo-intellectual’ who is smarter than the intellectual professors.

Sometimes he surprises. He reluctantly agreed with charging a Chicago cop in the killing of Laquan McDonald. Many of the unsigned editorials and bylined columns, however, make many of us cringe. Some are downright sick, twisted. Some of these may be written by others, such as News-Gazette president John Foreman.

Trigger warning: Jim Dey is a con artist.

Trigger warning (some at the News-Gazette may find what comes next to be difficult, disturbing or challenging): Jim Dey is a con artist. He is both con and artist. As a con, he misrepresents issues, and uses slippery rhetoric. Yet he is a true artist: a master of tendentious argument, who skates perilously close to outright lying.

Dey picks at weak points in an argument like a scab until he draws blood. But a weak point by no means refutes ipso facto an entire argument.

One of Dey’s favorite rhetorical tactics is the straw person ploy. He makes stuff up to create a straw target, which he then proceeds to knock the stuffing out of. Another ploy is to simply leave out inconvenient key facts.

Dey is a master at misinformation and disinformation. He makes his readers stupid. Dey is hypocritical. His motto is ‘Take the high road of principle if it serves your ideological end. If not, take the low road.’

Dey can be fun. No, it’s true. Take his ridiculously over-the-top turns of phrase. “Victim classes.” “Grievance departments.” “Authoritarian knuckleheads.” “Liberal bigots.”

Not funny at all is the snake-like, venomous Dey. He takes things personally. He engages in ad hominem attacks continually.

Dey is obsessive. Like a dog chewing on a bone, he can’t let things go. Steven Salaita. James Kilgore. The failed redistricting referendum.

Dey—and the News-Gazette—is defensive. He just has to get the last word in.

Dey has no fully thought-out, consistent ideas that add up to a political philosophy. Limited government, ‘free enterprise’—these are mantras, slogans that he repeats robot-like.

Dey and the News-Gazette are all in for Governor Bruce Rauner’s ‘turn-around-and-go-backwards’ agenda. Right-to-work-for-less zones. Busting public sector unions. The only problem is that they have never shown empirically how exactly these “business-friendly,” aka ‘trickle-down,’ measures will improve the Illinois economy (July 17, 2016).

One group that has spelled out in detail how to solve the budget mess is the bipartisan, nonprofit Center for Budget and Tax Accountability (CBTA) that I discussed in the November, 2015 Public i.

What about free speech? For libertarian-leaning Dey, you would think that he consistently supports free speech. In fact, he is inconsistent, even incoherent. What Dey consistently favors is ‘free speech for me but not for thee,’ a patently hypocritical stance.

The Steven Salaita case is the single best example. Through it all, Dey adamantly refused to acknowledge that Salaita’s was an open-and-shut case of academic freedom and First Amendment rights.

One of those leading the charge in destroying Salaita’s career, Dey later completely contradicted himself in a tightly-argued, carefully-worded column written applauding a free speech legal decision (November 10, 2015). Extrapolating from this case, he argued that the same free speech logic applies to so-called “political correctness” controversies at universities including Missouri, Yale, and North Carolina.

Dey never mentioned Salaita in this column. Yet he can’t defend speech many of us don’t agree with—Christian fundamentalists protesting against Arab Americans—without also defending speech he doesn’t agree with—Salaita’s “profane, anti-Israeli tweets.”

Online commentators were quick to point this out (November 10, 2015). Ratiocination: “Strange that Dey took a rather different position with regard to Steven Salaita’s speech… Hypocrisy, double-standards, incoherence. Jim Dey.” Automan: “Ratiocination busts Dey on a hypocrisy foul. Would you like to enter a plea, Mr. Dey?”

When it comes to free speech and “political correctness,” therefore, Dey ties himself up in illogical knots.

For more than 25 years, “PC” has been a right-wing ideological stick to beat lefties with. Earlier, it was about the curriculum, the canon. Today, it is about speech codes, microaggressions, trigger warnings, and renaming buildings. For a master of deception like Dey, these latter are the gift that keeps on giving.

Dey lacks the courage of his convictions

But Dey lacks the courage of his convictions. Why he, and others like him, slander, slight, and caricature is because otherwise they would have to seriously engage admittedly difficult, hard issues. Racism. Sexism. Inequality.

In an editorial, “Wrong priority,” Dey argued against the Champaign police department paying for a new position “to investigate complaints of police misconduct” (February 25, 1991). Twenty-five years later allegations of police misconduct continue, but his views remain the same.

Writing about racial profiling, he says, “the reality is that it’s not the low-crime, upscale neighborhoods that require attention from law enforcement, but poor neighborhoods that have serious crime problems” (May 26, 2016). Count the racist stereotypes! Poor + black = high crime. Fact of the matter is that where you patrol is where you find folks to stop. Fact is that there are more police calls from white UIUC student neighborhoods, but less patrolling and fewer arrests.

Has Dey, and the News-Gazette, discussed or proposed constructive policing and criminal justice reforms? No. One who has is Norm Stamper, 34-year police veteran and former Seattle police chief during the 1999 World Trade Organization“Battle of Seattle” protests. Stamper calls for structural policing changes, because the whole system is broken. Instead of a few“bad apple” officers, it is the entire “barrel” of police and policing that is rotten.

This brings us to the key question: is racism, and sexism, about a few individual ‘bad apples,’ or is it about systemic, institutionalized prejudices and practices? Will a few reforms suffice, or are fundamental, structural changes necessary? Obviously, Dey and those who agree with him think it’s a couple of ‘bad apples.’

Trigger warning: Jim Dey is a racist

Trigger warning: Jim Dey is a racist, in the dictionary definition of “harboring prejudice, discrimination, or antagonism against members of a different race or ethnic group based on the belief that one’s own race or ethnic group is superior.”

Columns by African-American Studies faculty member Sundiata Cha-Jua cast a clear light on this reformist vs. structural divide. The paper is to be applauded for inviting him to contribute. Yet no columnist has elicited such reader criticism and editorial undermining.

Why this is so, is simple. No band-aid, reformist DINO he, Cha-Jua attacks Dey’s world, the world according to the News-Gazette root-and-branch, focusing laser-like on racism.

Dey reluctantly admits to a few ‘bad apples.’ Cha-Jua—and Norm Stamper—claim the whole ‘barrel’ is rotten.

To be sure, there is a generational, plus a town vs. gown, divide here. In the last 50 years undoubted progress has been made in making American society less racist and less sexist, due notably to the civil rights movement, Voting Rights Act, and increasing gender equality. Equally clearly, the U.S. is still deeply racist and sexist, as the Black Lives Matter movement, the evidence of microaggressions, and the Supreme Court gutting the Voting Rights Act all attest.

People on either side of the divide are both right and wrong. Significant progress has been made, and much more progress is necessary.

Yet Dey’s m.o. is to diss people and policies whenever there is an opening, ignore everything else, rinse and repeat. His hyper-partisanship—law and order, ‘free enterprise,’ limited government—trumps constitutional principles and civil liberties.

We expect the fourth estate to deliver the news. What we get is a fifth column in a newspaper wrapper infiltrating, poisoning our psyches with its anti-minority, illiberal, twisted editorializing.

What makes Jimmy run? Prejudice, not principle.

Election 2016

In the Sunday October 2 Commentary section, Dey and the editorial staff ran completely off the rails trumpeting far-right positions throughout. Where they outdid themselves was, however, in endorsing “Nobody for President.” Not ‘vote your conscience,’ but “nobody.” It is the only such newspaper non-endorsement endorsement I have seen. Nationally, not a single major paper has so far endorsed Trump.

Criticism came quickly. In not supporting Clinton, one letter writer said, “You’ve failed your readers” (October 5). Another argued it is “cowardice” not to endorse Clinton, and “a lack of leadership… to refuse to take a stand against…Trump.” “This is the time to set aside your well-known loyalty to the Republican Party and do what’s best for the country” (October 8). “What the editorial board has presented, under the cover of being a reasoned editorial opinion, is a sub-rosa endorsement of Trump… Newspapers all over the nation have swallowed their conservative pride and endorsed the more qualified candidate. The [News Gazette] board has not, and its strategy is either cowardly or hypocritical, or both” (October 12).

Yet this position should come as no surprise to readers of this series on the News Gazette.  Hillary-haters to the end, at the same time they could not damage their undeserved ‘respectable Republican’ posture and go on record for Trump. Individually, president John Foreman publicly endorsed Trump in his November 6 column. I speculate that the majority of the like-minded editorial staff will also vote for Trump. However, I take Dey at his word, and wager that he will vote for nobody, his twisted acumen contorted by his unprincipled principles.

2016 has shown Republicans for what they are. Locally, it reveals that any claim of the News Gazette to be the advocate of good government, conscience of the community, and exemplar of professional journalism is prima facie politically and morally fraudulent, bankrupt.

November 6

2014 05 21 cell meeting for Roediger 3

David Prochaska formerly taught colonialism and visual culture in the UI History Department

 

 

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“Labor Hour” Now on WRFU, the Radio Station of the UCIMC

After 21 years at radio station WEFT, the World Labor Hour radio program has moved its weekly 2-hour program to radio station WRFU (104.5 FM/wrfu.net) in the IMC/downtown Urbana Post Office building.

The World Labor Hour radio program (originally called “The Illinois Labor Journal” and then “The Illinois Labor Hour”) was begun in 1995 by Peter Miller and Bill Gorrell, in response to the lack of coverage—and biased corporate media coverage, when mentioned at all—of the three simultaneous Labor dispute lock-outs at the A. E. Staley, Firestone and Caterpillar factories in Decatur, Illinois during the period of 1992-1995, which gained international attention in the Labor community.

Realizing that Unions and working people in general needed their own media—by, for, and about working people—in order to present the truth and to discuss important issues of the day, that the corporate media does not want to even acknowledge, much less discuss.

In 2001, Peter Miller moved to New Hampshire and David Johnson became a co-Host with Bill Gorrell.

Over the years the World Labor Hour, in addition to Bill and David, have had some excellent fellow hosts, such as Larry Keller, Tom Thomas, Jason Koslowski and Patricia Simpson. From 2015 to the present, the incredible Augustus (Gus) Wood, originally from Atlanta, Georgia, has been a fellow host.

In the last several years The World Labor Hour has expanded its listening audience beyond east-central Illinois to regular listeners in Chicago; St. Louis; New York City; Oakland, California; Seattle; Tampa, Florida; and even to Canada, the U.K. and the Republic of Ireland. Not only has the listenership expanded geographically but the topics and controversies that it has covered have broadened as well: from local and national cases of police brutality and militarization to foreign policy and immigration, to rank-and-file democracy struggles inside various Unions.

As Host Bill Gorrell once said, “We are not always pro-Union official, but we are always pro-worker.”

And with that statement the World Labor Hour over the years has not shied away from local Union and community controversies.

The hosts of the World Labor Hour, Bill Gorrell, Gus Wood and David Johnson, are proud and excited to now be part of WRFU, and hope that you will tune in to our program, as well as other programs on WRFU, like “Not Another Sports Show” with Neal Parthun and “The People’s History Hour” with Grant, Neal and Nick.

The World Labor Hour broadcasts/webcasts every Saturday morning from 11 a.m.–1 p.m. Central Time.

 

 

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Regulation of Prison Phone Calls Sweeps the Nation

The Justice Department’s recent recommendation to end the use of private facilities for US citizens in federal prisons has been hailed as a victory by reformers, but the widespread privatization of everyday services in prison, like hygiene products, food, laundry and phone calls, continues unchecked. Simple phone calls, something most of us take for granted—when made by an incarcerated person and often paid for by a family member—add up to a $1.2 billion dollar industry.

This summer, two states passed legislation that takes on the gross overcharging for prison phone calls. Illinois passed a bill that cuts in half the cost of phone calls from prison. In New Jersey, a bill caps rates and addresses international calls made by immigrant detainees. These states follow a decision last October by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to regulate the entire prison phone industry.

Efforts to reform this industry have been met with much resistance. The FCC’s decision has been fought by the phone companies and law enforcement officials, who won a recent concession.

However, a nationwide network of grassroots organizations, lobbying groups and activist attorneys has been successful because it has given voice to those who are incarcerated and their families, who can best speak to the exploitation and dehumanization that is endemic to mass incarceration in the United States.

Progress and Pushback

On October 22, 2015, the FCC voted to overhaul the prison phone industry, the result of a decade-long struggle waged by the Campaign for Prison Phone Justice. This effort began in 2000 with a lawsuit filed by Martha Wright, who was tired of paying the expensive bills to talk to her grandson in prison.

In a historic decision, the FCC adopted rates capped at 11 cents a minute for calls from state and federal prisons, and tiered rates for county jails between 14 and 22 cents, depending on the size. They severely limited the number of additional charges that are often added to calls.

Immediately after the ruling, the two leading prison phone companies—Securus and Global Tel Link (GTL)—led the pushback. They were aided by the National Sheriffs’ Association and attorneys general from a handful of states, including Oklahoma, Kansas and Wisconsin. Together, they filed a barrage of legal motions to stay the decision. A stay was granted by the courts.

On August 4, 2016, the FCC made a major concession by releasing revised rates of 13 cents a minute for calls from prison, and 19 to 31 cents from jails. As Carrie Wilkinson responded in Prison Legal News, “the FCC made a strategic but difficult decision to increase the caps to cover phone-related costs allegedly incurred by correctional agencies.”

Although the FCC has made a substantial concession, corporations are still pushing back against the FCC’s modified rates. They have become dependent on the never-ending supply of profits from these calls. It remains to be seen whether the Court of Appeals will grant their objections, or allow the slightly increased rates to go into effect.

Meanwhile, several states have taken action to reduce the costs of prison phone calls. One of the first was Alabama, where as early as 2014 the Public Service Commission intervened to scale down prices over a two-year period in all jails and prisons. In early 2015, anticipating the FCC’s decision, Ohio renegotiated its contract to cut phone rates in prisons by 75 percent.

Food or Phone

In Illinois, a bill was passed this summer with bipartisan support—HB 6200—that will cap all calls from Illinois prisons at seven cents a minute. When it takes effect in January, 2018, what is currently billed as a $4 phone call will cost about two dollars.

Illinois has the highest rate of what are called “site commissions,” with $12 million collected every year from prison phone calls. These commissions, or what some call kickbacks, are paid back to the state by the provider, Securus, for the right to an exclusive contract. These commissions are often said to go to “inmate benefits,” but in Illinois, they cover basic expenses like medication, transportation and guard salaries.

While imposing drastic cutbacks on social service agencies in the state, Gov. Bruce Rauner has portrayed himself as a compassionate conservative on criminal justice issues. Toward this end, he has formed the Commission on Criminal Justice and Sentencing Reform, with the mission of reducing the prison population by 25 percent in 10 years.

HB 6200 was signed into law at a reentry center in North Lawndale, Chicago, as part of a package of five criminal justice reform bills signed that day by the governor. “We need to approach our criminal justice system with more compassion,” Rauner said in a press release. “I want those who did something wrong to face punishment, but we must make sure that the punishment fits the crime. We need to explore new avenues so that we’re balancing punishment with rehabilitation and not needlessly tearing families and lives apart.”

State Representative Carol Ammons (D-Urbana), the champion of HB 6200, attended the signing with 20-year-old Wandjell Harvey-Robinson, whose parents were incarcerated when she was in the third grade. When interviewed by NPR, Ammons told the story of Harvey-Robinson, whose family struggled to pay the phone bills to talk to her parents. “The choice was food or phone,” said Ammons.

Harvey-Robinson had travelled to Washington, D.C., last year to tell her story to the FCC. She testified in Springfield before two legislative committees to pass HB 6200. Back home, in Champaign, Illinois, she participates in Ripple Effect, a support group for families with a loved one who is incarcerated. “There are thousands of Illinois children whose lives will be dramatically improved by the actions today,” she said at the bill’s signing.

A Consistent Complaint

New Jersey was the second state in 2016 to pass legislation addressing the high cost of prison phone calls. The bill, S 1880, caps rates at 11 cents a minute for both prisons and jails in the state, and bans all commissions. Also among the reforms was capping the cost of international calls at 25 cents a minute. Truthout spoke with Karina Wilkinson of New Jersey Advocates for Immigrant Detainees (NJAID), which partnered with the New York University School of Law Immigrant Rights Clinic and Latino Justice to pass the bill. The campaign, Wilkinson explained, grew out of speaking with immigrants held in county jails for Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Exorbitant phone rates for international calls were a “consistent complaint.”

Even more expensive than regular collect calls, international calls can cost from $18 to $20 for a 15-minute conversation.

Immigrant detainees are “pretty vulnerable,” Wilkinson said, but a handful of those who had been released were willing to speak out. Among them was Pauline Ndzie, held for ICE at the Hudson County jail for five months, who stated in a press release, “My three children had to live without me while I was detained. I usually couldn’t afford to call them more than once a week. It isn’t fair to keep children from talking to their mother because of the high cost of phone calls.”

The coalition tried passing a bill last year that was pocket-vetoed by Governor Chris Christie, but with bipartisan support they passed it the second time around late this summer.

If these reform measures are an indication, larger efforts to end mass incarceration face great obstacles. Advocates say that lawsuits and policy research must be backed up by the stories of those incarcerated and their families.

Steven Renderos, organizing director at the Center for Media Justice, home of the Media Action Grassroots Network (MAG-Net), a member of the campaign, told Truthout, “It’s been the stories of impacted families like those of Martha Wright and others that have propelled change at the national and local level. It is their right to connect that should matter more than the profit margins of greedy phone companies.”

This article was originally published at Truthout, reprinted with permission.

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