The Trump Administration Just Opened a New Immigrant Prison in Rural Michigan

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Oscar Castañeda (L) meets local Democratic officials at a protest against the opening of The GEO Group’s North Lake Correctional Facility in Baldwin, Michigan, on October 1, 2019 (Photo by Theresa Rosado)

From his office at the Cristo Rey Church in Lansing, Michigan, Oscar Castañeda runs a campaign against a new federal immigrant prison, part of President Donald Trump’s escalation of immigration enforcement.

In May, 2019, the Trump administration awarded a ten-year, $398 million contract to The GEO Group, the largest private prison corporation in the country, to reopen a shuttered Michigan prison. Located in rural Baldwin, Michigan, the North Lake Correctional Facility opened in late 2019 with a capacity of 1,800.

At Cristo Rey, Castañeda convenes weekly meetings of No Detention Centers in Michigan, a coalition of organizations and individuals fighting to keep the state free of any immigrant incarceration facilities—including the North Lake prison. The issue has attracted a “huge variety of people,” Castañeda says. “For the first time, we’re achieving some state-level unity.”

Unlike detention centers, which are managed by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), the North Lake facility is a Criminal Alien Requirement (CAR) prison, managed by the Bureau of Prisons (BOP). Such facilities are specifically for non-citizens who have been convicted of federal crimes. Often, the crime is “felony reentry,” or a second unauthorized border crossing, which carries a typical sentence of two years (more for those with prior criminal records). After they serve their time, they are still deported.

“We call them shadow prisons,” says Bárbara Suárez Galeano, organizing director with Detention Watch Network. Often located in rural areas, CAR prisons are “hidden away from the public eye,” Galeano says, and further shielded from public scrutiny by their private administration.

Castañeda works as a part-time organizer with Action of Greater Lansing, an assembly of congregations in the Lansing area, housed at Cristo Rey. In addition to addressing the everyday needs, like legal services, of immigrants who visit his office, he frequently speaks at immigration rallies and appears on radio programs on behalf of the campaign against the North Lake prison.

Sitting in his office, Castañeda says, “a couple months ago it was difficult and hurtful to understand that we would not be able to prevent the North Lake prison from opening.” But today he is hopeful about winning the battle to shut down the prison, “because every week we learn news about financial companies cutting ties with The GEO Group. American citizens are getting to understand how this corporation operates.”

Shadow Prisons

CAR prisons are a relatively new outgrowth of modern mass incarceration. As the War on Drugs exploded the prison population, President Bill Clinton began segregating non-citizens convicted of federal crimes, such as drug trafficking, in privately run CAR prisons contracted through the BOP. The idea was that prisoners who weren’t slated to return to the United States didn’t need educational programming or services like drug treatment, and could be incarcerated more cheaply.

Judy Greene, executive director of Justice Strategies, has been a national leader in trying to bring more public attention to CAR prisons. Between 2001 and 2014, Greene recalls, “I watched with horror” as 13 CAR prisons were built—a pace of nearly one per year.

After 9/11, the federal government turned its focus from drug crimes to national security. Immigration, previously treated as a civil legal matter, became criminalized. The newly formed Department of Homeland Security ramped up prosecutions for improper entry (a petty misdemeanor) and re-entry (a felony offense).

Those charged with the misdemeanor often plead guilty and are returned to their home country. If caught in the United States a second time, they can be charged with felony reentry. As felony reentry prosecutions rose, so did the number of people incarcerated in federal prisons for immigration-related offenses, growing from 15,000 in 2001 to 20,000 to 2014.

Trump’s announcement is a reversal of the Obama administration’s effort to scale back the federal reliance on private prisons due to poor conditions. In August, 2016, Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates released a memo announcing the phaseout of private prison contracts. Greene recalls “popping champagne corks” when hearing the news of the Yates memo. The GEO Group stock price dropped precipitously.

Private prison companies donated generously to put Trump in the White House. The GEO Group and CoreCivic, the second-largest private prison company, gave more than half a million dollars to Trump’s election campaign, plus an additional $250,000 for his inauguration party. A month after Trump took office, Attorney General Jeff Sessions rescinded the Yates memo, stating it impaired the “future needs” of the federal correctional system. Sessions and Trump also instituted a “zero tolerance” policy for border crossing, demanding that everyone arrested be prosecuted.

Since Trump has taken office, stocks for private prison companies have rebounded. The GEO Group recently opened a new headquarters building in Boca Raton, Florida at a cost of $57 million. In April, 2017, the Justice Department issued a new round of bids for CAR prisons, and two years later announced that The GEO Group was the winner of the contracts in Baldwin. It reopened two of the three facilities at the Reeves County Detention Complex in Texas, which had been slated to be phased out by Obama.

Previously, Reeves was the largest privately-run prison in the world, and named one of the top ten worst prisons in the United States by Mother Jones. In 2008-09, Reeves experienced a spate of five deaths, and two large riots. Incidents were sparked by the death of 32-year-old Manuel Galindo, who suffered a series of epileptic seizures inside the prison. Staff responded by giving him Tylenol. “I already told them that I have been here for one month alone and I have gotten sick twice,” Galindo wrote to his mother just before dying. “I’ve already asked if they can place me with someone else so I won’t be by myself anymore.”

The BOP did not return requests for comment for this story.

A Perfect Location

The opening of the CAR prison in Baldwin could easily have flown under the radar. Baldwin is a small town in northern Michigan with a population of approximately 1,200. Michigan state politics are Democratic-leaning because of strong union support in Detroit, but rural areas like Baldwin are Trump country.

Cam Brown, age 29, who grew up nearby, shot his first deer just outside of Baldwin. After Trump was elected, Brown started a local chapter of the Redneck Revolt, an anti-racist, anti-fascist group.

Baldwin is in the middle of Lake County, the poorest county in Michigan, making it the “perfect location” for a private prison, says Brown, because of the jobs it provides. A destination for hunting and fishing, Baldwin relies heavily on tourism. During the summer, tourists rent cottages and shop at a few stores. But even still, there aren’t many jobs available in the town.

Duncan Tarr, a member of the Michigan coalition, says the group is now focused on a divestment campaign to cut off “streams of funding” to The GEO Group. They organized a protest in August, 2019 outside the head offices of Prudential Financial, one of The GEO Group’s 10 largest shareholders, based in Troy, Michigan.

“Our hope is to eventually choke it and make the prison as less profitable as possible,” Castañeda says. “And hope that Trump is not the president in a year.”

A longer version of this article was original published by In These Times on January 16, 2020. It was shared online by Michael Moore and Elizabeth Warren. Reprinted with permission.

Brian Dolinar is an independent journalist based in Urbana. His articles on issues of mass incarceration and immigration have appeared in In These Times, Truthout, Counterpunch and Prison Legal News.

About Brian Dolinar

Brian Dolinar has been a community journalist since 2004.
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