April 4-6: Books to Prisoners Book Sale

Ten years ago Urbana Champaign Books to Prisoners began its program of sending books through the mail at no cost to inmates in Illinois prisons.  Since then, over 92,000 books have been sent out to more than 14,000 inmates.  The books are almost all donated from community members, and are stored at the Books to Prisoners work room in the Independent Media Center (IMC) in downtown Urbana.  Volunteers sort and shelve the donated books, then read letters from inmates and select, package, and send out the books free of charge to the inmates.  Books to Prisoners volunteers also operate two lending libraries located in the Champaign county jails which are open on a weekly basis.

Books to Prisoners is a 501(c)3 non-profit organization, and to raise the funds needed for operation―especially to pay for the expenses incurred shipping packages and purchasing shipping supplies―a Spring Books Sale open to the public will be held at the IMC building (202 S. Broadway, Urbana) on April 4, 5, and 6, 2014.  The hours of the sale are: Friday April 4th, 4-8 PM; Saturday April 5th, 9-5 PM; and Sunday April 6th, 12-4 PM.   The sale includes books of all genres, ranging from fiction, nonfiction (including textbooks), and is held annually.  In the past, the sale has been attended by more than 300 people.

There is also an opportunity for businesses or individuals to be a sponsor at the book sale.  Sponsors will get advertising space on a dedicated table with lots of exposure and foot traffic.  Additionally, B2P will distribute any flyers or promotional materials provided by the sponsors at the event.  The minimum donation for sponsorship is $50.

New volunteers are always welcome to join Books to Prisoners by coming to any of the open work sessions, which occur three times per week at the IMC.  The sessions are Tuesdays 7-9 PM; Thursdays 2-4 PM; and Saturdays 2-4 PM.  There are a number of easy ways to get involved and no experience is necessary.  Whether you have one hour a month or would like to volunteer more often throughout the week, you are invited to join the volunteers. If you would like to volunteer as a small group (4-5 people) or a large group (10-15 people), contact the volunteer supervisor.

For more information about the book sale, sponsorship at the book sale, or volunteering, please contact Lolita Dumas, the B2P volunteer supervisor, at lolita@books2prisoners.org

Hope to see many people at the book sale April 4, 5, and 6!

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Remembering Manni Brun

In January, this community lost a woman to whom it owes a great deal. Marianne (Manni) Brun passed away on January 6th.

Manni and her husband Herbert, who was a professor of music composition, came to the university in 1963. Manni, the daughter of prominent Jewish actors in Berlin, fled Germany in 1933. In her earlier years in the US, she lived on the East Coast and in Los Angeles. She and her parents returned to Germany in 1948. After her return to Europe, she worked with the famous left-wing playwright Bertolt Brecht, in Switzerland and then in East Germany. After that she moved to Munich in West Germany, where she worked in radio and the theater. Politically, she was an advocate for a united, disarmed, and neutral Germany.

I came to know Manni shortly after coming to teach at the U of I in 1965. In her early  years in Urbana, Manni was employed in a  a number of positions at the U of I, while at the same time earning a BA via correspondence from Antioch College, and then an MA in social change from what is now the University of Illinois, Springfield.

After two years as the assistant to the head of the Urban and Regional Planning Library here at UIUC, she helped found and served as the Director of the Artist-in-Residence Program at Unit One in Allen Hall. She remained in that position until 1986. There she taught courses, including one entitled “Designing a Society.” As stated in her official obituary that appeared in the News-Gazette, that technique “invited participants to share intelligent imagining of a new social order by first specifying fundamental features to be changed, and by researching the world and logic. The technique…was to work backward from the specifications to deduce required conditions as consequences, instead of working forward from currently given conditions to figure out what specifications are reasonable.” Some of the discussions in the class sessions were published in 1985 as “Designing Society: Marianne Brun and Respondents” (Princelet Editions).

Manni was not only an intellectual, teacher, and artist. She was also a fighter for social justice, and in this world that really does mean fighting for a radically different society. As already stated, she advocated a very different vision for Germany. But her perspective was a universal one. She was devoted member of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). I can’t remember whether I first met Manni at Unit One, where I sometimes participated in courses and events, or in meetings of our Ad Hoc Faculty Committee on Vietnam, an anti-Vietnam war group. But I was immediately struck by her dedication to peace and social justice. She was a tireless worker on behalf of both of those things. And she was still active in the arts. I remember seeing her coaching young actors who were part of what became, and remains, an established school in CU, the School for Designing a Society.

After retirement, Manni began to spend more time in Berlin, where she advocated a Germany that would look very different from both East and the West Germany. In the 1990s, I was collaborating with Professor Wolf-Dieter Narr of Free University in Berlin and travelled there several times. During one of those trips, I called Manni and she invited both Narr and me to lunch in a Berlin restaurant that she favored. Narr is a prominent political scientist, but also a human rights activist who had served on the Russell Tribunal that had investigated the US war in Vietnam. A shy and reticent man normally, he was demonstrably completely taken with Manni’s brilliance and her commitment to peace and justice. I already knew and appreciated those things about her.  The new insight I gained was her knowledge and love of her native city, Berlin, which she had experienced as a young person in some of its most culturally vibrant days. I think that in her heart, even when she was with us in Urbana, Manni was always was a Berliner.

That notwithstanding, she made significant contributions to the political, educational, and cultural life of Urbana-Champaign. Perhaps the most lasting of those are her curricular contributions and the Artist-in-Residence Program, which persists at Unit One at the U of I, and the School for Designing a Society, that continues to attract very bright young minds to our community. Some of  those minds stimulated the creation of our own Independent Media Center, of which this newspaper is a component. Manni Brun’s passing is a great loss, and she will be sorely missed by those who knew her here.

 

 

 

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Clinton Landfill Plans an Unacceptable Risk to the Mahomet Aquifer

By Stacy James

Clinton Landfill, Inc. plans to store PCB-laden soil in its landfill above the Mahomet Aquifer, our drinking water supply! Opponents of this economically lucrative but environmentally risky venture are increasing in number as more and more people become aware of this stunning proposal.

The Clinton Landfill is located just outside of the town of Clinton in DeWitt County. The landfill has historically stored municipal waste, including household waste collected by the local waste hauler Area Disposal Services. In fact, Clinton Landfill, Inc. is a subsidiary of Area Disposal Services, Inc.

In 2007, the DeWitt County Board approved a modification to the landfill that would allow it to accept “special wastes.” Special wastes include various hydrocarbon compounds found in coal tar produced by coal gasification plants. The Clinton Landfill already accepts special wastes, and is awaiting approval from U.S. EPA to store high concentrations of PCBs as well. PCBs are probable human carcinogens with various harmful health effects.

If U.S. EPA approves the permit application, the Clinton Landfill will become the destination for toxic PCB waste from polluted sites around the country. Among those sites are Chicago-area waterways containing PCB-polluted sediments.

Fortunately, there are several groups that have formed in opposition to the operation of Clinton Landfill as a chemical waste facility. Among the first to take notice were residents of DeWitt County who formed a group called WATCH Clinton Landfill. This grassroots organization then reached out to legislators, governmental bodies, and environmental organizations. Subsequently, an intergovernmental coalition formed to object to the landfill’s plans to accept PCBs. The City of Champaign has taken the lead in this coalition, which also includes the cities of Urbana, Bloomington, Normal, Decatur and Savoy, and Champaign and Piatt counties, and the Mahomet Valley Water Authority.

The intergovernmental coalition has taken legal action to prevent the landfill from posing a threat to east-central Illinois’ primary water supply. The results of these efforts are still pending, as is the decision from U.S. EPA on whether the landfill meets the regulatory requirements for storing PCBs.

Simultaneously, Champaign and its allies have filed a petition with the U.S. EPA to designate the Mahomet Aquifer as a Sole Source Aquifer. If the petition is successful, this designation will require that certain federally funded projects over the Mahomet Aquifer receive special review for pollution risk by the U.S. EPA. Although the Clinton Landfill is a privately funded project, the Sole Source Aquifer designation is a tool to better protect the aquifer for generations to come.

Our local governments and public officials are to be commended for their leadership. But members of the public also have an important role to play. Here are some ways you can help: 1) if your trash hauler is Area Disposal Service, ask yourself whether this is a business you want to continue supporting; 2) submit a Letter to the Editor in your local newspaper, expressing your opposition to the storage of toxic chemicals over the aquifer; 3) contact Senators Durbin and Kirk and ask them to pressure U.S. EPA not to issue the permit; 4) voice your support for the Sole Source Aquifer petition at the upcoming U.S. EPA hearing (TBA); and 5) if you live in DeWitt County, support the County Board members who want to protect the Mahomet Aquifer from PCBs.

To learn more about this very important issue, visit www.cleanwater4midIL.org. But reading is not enough. Each of us should act in some way to convey that this business idea is not acceptable.

Stacy James is a water resources scientist at Prairie Rivers Network, Illinois’ statewide river conservation organization. She is also chair of the local Prairie Group of the Sierra Club.

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University of Illinois at Chicago Faculty Union Goes on Strike: What Are the Stakes?

"Faculty working conditions = Student  learning conditions."

“Faculty working conditions = Student learning conditions.”

On February 18-19, 2014 the University of Illinois at Chicago faculty union staged a strike joined by more than 1000 faculty, students, and other supporters, and that received widespread media attention locally and nationally. With no appreciable progress made on a contract, three-quarters of the 800-member faculty union had voted 95% in favor of striking.

The union, a joint affiliate of the AFT, IFT and AAUP, represents about 1,150 full-time tenure track and non-tenure track faculty, organized in two bargaining units. Organized in July 2012, it has been negotiating a first-ever contract over 20 months. More than 60 sessions have been held; recently, a federal mediator was called in. The union says the administration is stalling; the administration says it is negotiating in good faith.

The main sticking point is pay for non-tenure track faculty. For all two- and four-year colleges nationwide, 75% of faculty are full-time and part-time non-tenure track, according to NPR. For universities, hiring non-tenure track faculty, especially those part-time, is simply a way of cutting costs: more courses taught for less money, fewer benefits, and relative lack of job security. The median salary for all faculty at UIC is about $65,000. High-end faculty make salaries pushing $200,000, while upper level administrators make $200,000-$300,000. The union wants non-tenure track salaries increased from $30,000 to $45,000; the university is offering raises to $36,000 over 3 years. For tenure track faculty, the union wants minimum salaries of $60,000. The administration says there isn’t enough money, that meeting union demands would cost 23% more for tenure track and 27% more for non-tenure track faculty. “We have very little left in terms of recurrent unassigned dollars,” says UIC Vice Chancellor and Provost Lon Kaufman. “We don’t know the future of the state and its budget. We can’t raise tuition any higher” (tuition has increased 25% since 2007).

While negotiations drag on, the administration refuses to pay unionized faculty campus-wide raises for the last two years already handed out to non-union faculty. In other respects as well, the administration is not making it easy. This is the second time faculty have formed a union. In 2011 they created one with a single bargaining unit for both tenure track and non-tenure track faculty, but the Springfield Appeals Court, reversing two Labor Board decisions, ruled that one bargaining unit was improper. The union immediately conducted a second card drive and created the present union.

Two things stand out about the union at UIC. Instead of tenure track and non-tenure track faculty pitted against one another, “both are standing together,” as NPR reports. This “provide[s] an example to other colleges of how these… workforces can advocate for each other and how they really do have some mutual goals.” Second, the administration’s divide-and-rule tactics are clear: forcing the faculty to establish a union twice; refusing to pay unionized faculty raises the last two years, even though it would have saved money. Given these facts on the ground, “adversarial” labor relations become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

What is going on at UIC is being watched at nearby UIUC, and also nationally. Certainly, there are differences from school to school, yet there are broad structural similarities everywhere. Chicago raises questions about faculty unions, and the broader changes in academe of corporatization, the trend to run the university like a corporation.

Corporatization has been going on over four decades; it entails adopting corporate-like features and behaviors, including management structures and styles. Corporatization is the application to the university of neo-liberal policies and practices. Neo-liberalism aims generally to shrink the government sector and enhance the private sector through deregulation, free trade, privatization, and the like. UI faculty member Robert McChesney terms neo-liberalism “capitalism with the gloves off.”

Especially striking is the growing differential between faculty and administrators, less politely termed “administrative bloat.” While the number and pay of faculty are relatively stagnant, the number of administrators increases, many in more highly paid positions. At UIC between 2007 and 2013 the number of tenure track faculty declined 1%, while that of non-tenure track faculty increased 7.8%, and the number of administrators rose 9.6%. At many schools, administrators “narrow the range of fields in which education is provided, to concentrate resources on a few areas that [management] thinks are going to pay off — either in terms of bringing in research moneys [or] cutting off areas that are not seen to be so valuable in the marketplace for the student,” according to Gary Rhoades, director of the University of Arizona Center for the Study of Higher Education.

Corporatization is also evident in university governance, which increasingly in the last 10-15 years is best characterized as “corporate governance,” under which the administration implements corporate behaviors and managerial structures from the top down. So-called “shared governance,” an older model, theoretically means governance is shared by faculty and administration in what is ideally a collegial setting. As the corporatization of the university proceeds apace, however, corporate governance describes more accurately the reality on the ground. Of course, as a large, complex institution, no university today can avoid some bureaucratic management and organization. Yet in Gaye Tuchman’s Wannabe U (2009), to take only one example, administrators clearly differ fundamentally from faculty, with their own intellectual world (“accountability,” “strategic plans,” “mission statements,” “branding,” “metrics,” “peer institutions”), scholarly literature, associations, and conferences; and their own agendas, career trajectories, perks, rituals, pay differences, and power differentials. Whether faculty and administrators are more alike or different is at the core of the debate over “shared governance” as well as unionization.

Faculty unionization occurs today against this backdrop of corporatization and corporate governance. The still small number of public university faculty unions, especially at research universities (in private universities faculty are legally barred from unionizing), are “professional” unions, like those of musicians, actors, and baseball players. They represent employees in fields where high skill levels, and often professional degrees are required. University faculty take, for example, anywhere from three to over seven years to earn a Ph.D.

Unionization efforts reflect the current landscape of relative union decline in an era of neo-liberalism. The proportion of all unionized workers peaked in 1954 at nearly 35%, but declined to 11.4% by 2010. Private sector unions declined even more, from 20.1% in 1983 to 7% in 2011, but public sector unions grew after 1960 to represent 37% of public employees today. For business owners and conservative union critics, unions mean higher wages and benefits negotiated through “adversarial” business-labor bargaining that allegedly results in a “leveling” of all workers and “mediocrity.” Today, public employee unions, and their defined-benefit pension plans — a vanishing species in the private sector — are under widespread attack. In Detroit, unionized municipal workers will likely end up with only a fraction of the pensions they have already paid into under the terms of Detroit’s bankruptcy settlement. Anti-union efforts are buttressed by business-friendly, worker-unfriendly laws, including employment “at will”; so-called “right to work,” which prevents “fair share” payment of union dues; and outdated minimum wage statutes. These and other anti-union measures are backed by conservatives, such as the Koch brothers, whose various groups spent $412 million during the 2012 election cycle, more than twice the $153 million spent by the top 10 unions combined.

Prochaska
Before retirement, David Prochaska taught colonialism and visual culture in the UI history department.

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Why Tenured Professors Need Unions

I once got stuck in an airplane sitting next to an off-duty pilot. As we sat on the runway for an hour, only to find that we had to change flight crews and pilots because of the long delay, a relieved smile came across my neighbor. “Thanks to the union,” he whispered. People turned their heads in surprise. “Thanks to our union, we’re not flying with a pilot who hasn’t slept in 24 hours.” I smiled and nodded in affirmation. He continued, “The airlines would keep us going for days if we didn’t have a professional association setting the industry standards. Without the union, a lot more planes would go down.” It was getting very late and everyone was tired of sitting on the tarmac. It also happened to be New Year’s Eve at 11pm, and the plane was supposed to arrive in Champaign by 9:30pm. Another passenger from a few seats ahead called out, “Unions are for fuck-ups!” My neighbor shook his head. He quietly continued, “Actually, we need unions to do our job properly. Airline executives don’t know how to fly planes. They only know how to cut costs. Our union maintains the professional standards of our line of work. They make sure that only the most qualified people fly planes. They defend our ability to keep our passengers safe.”

The flight was terrible by most measures. Not only did we take off after midnight, but we flew through a turbulent ice storm and had to circle Champaign many times in the air. Yet, we landed safely with a fresh crew. I often wonder what that flight might have been like if we were flying with a pilot who hadn’t slept in two days.

I always think of this experience when people ask me if I support the unionization of tenured and tenure-track faculty at the University of Illinois. Like the pilots, most of these faculty do not struggle financially. Many are well-paid. But, like pilots, many of these folks struggle to maintain their own professional standards. The academic vocation is supposed to be a balance of teaching, mentoring students in the research process, and pursuing research oneself. Tenured and tenure-track professors are not able to maintain our professional standards when they are given a job description that tasks them with “teaching” hundreds of undergrads, but does not allow time to meet with more than a handful.

As a Teaching Assistant at the University for the past eight years, I observed more courses every year move from medium-sized seminars to large lecture courses. Courses that used to be run with TA sections moved to courses with only graders, and 150 students per grader. Twice I worked in a course with over 800 students, about 9 TAs, and a long queue of professors who came in for a two or three class sessions at a time. Each of us TAs were assigned to 75 students, and expected to spend only 20 hours per week being their sole instructor. All exams were multiple choice. Excellent research and publications continue to earn us the name of an excellent university. But, speaking now a member of the PhD guild, I do not think that the standards of the trade are being upheld. Undergraduate education is being shortchanged.

I don’t blame any of these professors individually. Many of them are working around the clock at handling the impossible job description known as, “half-teaching, half-research, half-service.” I have gotten work emails from professors at midnight and 4am. I have seen pictures of professors (yes, multiple professors) typing up their research while in labor, and proudly keeping up their work a day after their child is born. Almost all the tenured and tenure-track professors I know work tirelessly, even as they often love their jobs and want to do nothing else.

And yet, for a large majority of these faculty members, the job descriptions they were given by administrators themselves shortchange undergraduate students.  More and more, the job of meeting individually with young undergraduate students and introducing them to their respective disciplines is handed off to Teaching Assistants. Meanwhile, Teaching Assistants are given more and more students, and less and less stated responsibility to actually meet with them. In each of my four “Teaching Assistant as Grader” assignments, for example, I graded all the work for my 150 students, but met individually with only one or two of them—and only to discuss grades. My job was only to grade, and the professors’ job was mostly just to lecture. The university’s cost-savings measures are increasingly economizing on the one thing undergraduate students thought they were getting out of college: mentoring by experts in a field. Professors’ job descriptions are increasingly to focus on their own research, advising graduate students, and professional service. There used to be a large number of 300 and 400 level classes which were intentionally intimate. But, the number of these classes is dwinding, and their sizes are growing. When they stay small, enrollment priority goes to upperclassmen and majors. Many students only take three or four advanced classes in their entirety of their undergraduate careers, and only in their majors. By and large, tenured and tenure-track professors are not being hired to mentor undergraduates.

Asking university administrators to dictate the job descriptions of professors is like asking airline executives to dictate the job descriptions of pilots. Proposals for cost-savings and profitability often come at the expense of trade standards. In fact, as a labor historian, I know that cost-savings measures often intentionally break the professional standards of a trade in order to fragment the workers and undermine the power of the guild itself. Pilots need a union so that executives are forced to take their professional standards seriously. Professors need a union for the same reason. I am so thankful that pilots have risked their jobs to defend passenger safety. I hope that professors earn the same right to defend higher education.

JanineGiordanoDrake

Janine Giordano Drake is an historian of US  labor and religion. One of her many part-time jobs is with the Campus Faculty Association.”

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Women Profile–Theresa Rocha

Theresa Rocha

As a recent full time science teacher, mom and now third year law student at the University of Illinois College of Law, it is my pleasure to introduce myself to you.  I am a teacher by training and have been in the field of education in some capacity for over ten years.   Responsible for over 200 students per academic year in the math and sciences, I quickly gained a love for the presentation of complex information to large audiences in meaningful ways.  I love the classroom and I love opportunities to learn from and with my students.

Despite my successes in the classroom, however, I made a personal commitment to pursue my law degree after the completion of my Master’s Program in Federal Indian Law.  This area of the law has been my true academic passion since I was a young girl and I was excited to pursue it actively here at the College of Law.

While at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), I excelled in my courses and successfully completed my Master’s Thesis entitled ‘The Intertribal Court of Southern California: Implicit & Explicit Expressions of Justice in Southern California Indian Country.’  This academically rigorous exploration of the intersections of western jurisprudence, Federal Indian Law and traditional dispute resolution methods honed my legal research and writing skills immensely, making my transition into law school education quick and efficient.

As a law student, I have been challenged to think in ways that I never thought possible.  The work load has been ridiculously demanding and I have often felt like there are not enough hours in the day to even sleep.  But this chaotic schedule has been well worth the reward.  In addition to graduating this May with academic honors, I am grateful for the supportive relationships I have built around campus working on issues of social justice and access to higher education.

My work for the University of Illinois, American Indian Studies program has provided me with another fantastic community to guide me in my pursuit of becoming a professor.  In addition, my involvement with The Native American House (NAH) has afforded several great opportunities to showcase my legal training through invited lectures and seminar panels too.  This year I have been invited to give the final lecture of the academic year at NAH on the recent United States Supreme Court decision regarding Baby Veronica and the Indian Child Welfare Act.  I am interested in the Court’s construction of race, refusal to honor tribal jurisdiction over Indian children, and overall lack of deference to the powerful legacy of forced removal of Indian children from their families into white families.  It would be a dream come true to teach courses that deeply investigate the social implications of law, especially as they pertain to systems of social and economic inequality within the United States.

Despite the incredible balancing act of work, family, and school, these three years flew by so quickly.  From where I stand right now, the life opportunities ahead for our family look incredible.  I spent the majority of my past summer studying furiously for the GRE and then spent the bulk of my fall successfully applying to PhD programs in Sociology.  All of those hours have paid off and I have received six tremendously generous offers so far.  Each department is excited about my desire to blend my strong legal training with a study of theories of justice, courts, incarceration, social and economic inequality, and American Indian tribal legal systems.  I plan to pursue a career as a law professor and am thankful for the wildly supportive faculty at the College of Law.  Many have guided me personally through this process and I value these lasting relationships.

Crossing the graduation stage with honors is a goal that I am so excited to share with my family.  I am a first-generation college student with parents that never made it past middle school.  Higher education was not an easy path for me because there was so much to figure out on my own.  But it was well worth the time and effort.  My children are growing up intertwined in all of my higher education aspirations and can often be found in the law school with me and my husband (who is also a third year law student).  They envision an incredible future for themselves and I am so excited to see where this incredible adventure continues to take us.

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Mandela Remembered by Historian Teresa Barnes

Appeared originally at U of I News Bureau, 12/6/2013

Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s first black president and an icon in the struggle that ended the country’s system of racial apartheid, died Dec. 5. He was 95. Teresa Barnes is a professor of southern African history and of gender and women’s studies at Illinois. She lived and taught in neighboring Zimbabwe during the decade prior to Mandela’s release from 27 years in prison in 1990, then spent most of the next two decades in South Africa, through the transition from apartheid and Mandela’s presidency. She spoke with News Bureau social sciences editor Craig Chamberlain.
image of professor teresa barnes

What made Nelson Mandela such an important symbol in the fight against apartheid? And what qualities do you believe made him so valuable in bringing about the end of that system of racial oppression and the transition to majority rule?

I’m thinking of Mandela’s family and the people of South Africa – they have lost their father, their guiding light and the living voice of their freedom. It is so hard to speak of him, now, in the past tense.

He had so many wonderful gifts: Perhaps most of all he was able to gracefully unite the personal, political and cultural elements of freedom. For example, I was watching the news reports of his life and there’s a picture of him in African traditional dress, wearing a big beaded necklace and a cloth draped over his shoulder. This was taken in the 1960s, when, as an accused prisoner, he shocked the apartheid court by very consciously and defiantly showing by his attire that he was proud of his African heritage. Remember, apartheid taught that African culture was inferior, animalistic and something to be ashamed of.

At the time he was a highly educated lawyer, a member of the African National Congress, a seasoned political strategist, a guerrilla leader, a man who had traveled throughout Africa seeking support for the liberation struggle. He was proud to unite all those activities under the mantle of his heritage. He believed that being African meant humanism. It wasn’t a racial concept for him. It’s also why he was able to treat his jailers and wardens and tormentors with the courtesy and dignity that they refused to show to him.

There’s a chapter in his autobiography, “Long Walk To Freedom,” which I always assign to my classes, called “A Country Childhood.” He writes about how a good leader is one who listens and builds consensus, and how he learned the lessons of African manhood, that a man does not show his pain. So much of his later life demonstrated those two lessons in action over and over again. The ANC’s collective leadership style owes so much to those conceptions of collective leadership. And in his personal life, we see over and over that Mandela remained focused on political goals and refused to allow people to see the great and painful personal toll that he paid to achieve them.

How did he see himself as a leader? And can we overemphasize his role?

Mandela believed that leadership was a collective project. He was surrounded, throughout his long political life, by an extraordinarily gifted set of comrades and colleagues, and they were all embedded in a vibrant tradition of community social organization and direct action, which continues to this day. Of course Mandela struck out on his own, once, when he decided from his Robben Island jail cell to initiate talks with the apartheid government in the hopes of finding a way out of a looming conflagration.

We can overemphasize his role if we only talk about Mandela as a perfect saint, or as a lone savior. That would be to distort his contribution. He was a great man who dedicated his life to a collective effort and struggle for justice.

How would you assess his record as South Africa’s president (1994-99) and where the country is today as a result?

Mandela’s presidency was a time of extraordinary hope and positive action in South African life. That particular sentiment is long gone now, after many disappointments and tragedies, such as the massacre of Marikana miners last year. I think it is right to say that as president Mandela might not have been a great administrator, and he delegated a lot of the bureaucratic work of governing. But he excelled at using his personal discipline and his charismatic style to disarm people, charm them and get them to think about things in new ways. But he could also be tough and direct in his criticism. Mandela might have chosen to keep quiet sometimes but he did not dissemble or lie.

Mandela and his leadership cohort made an enormous contribution to crafting a positive institutional response to South Africa’s long history of injustice, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and to fostering a social atmosphere where former antagonists could think about how to reconcile their differences. But the ANC government has chosen to take a cautious, gradualist and essentially elite-focused approach to economic redevelopment, and that has clearly contributed to the fact that South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies on the planet.

Lasting reconciliation is not possible if only small bandages are applied to the large, old and festering wounds of apartheid. But Mandela took the important first steps to show that healing was possible. It is up to the current government and the South African people to make that healing a more tangible reality in the long run.

Are there any larger lessons we can take from his life or his leadership?

Our two sons grew up in South Africa. My family treasures two letters written to Mandela as school projects by our oldest son and by another little boy when they were 9 and 10 years old. One says, “Dear Mr. Mandela, I thank you for helping this country to realize that people’s skin color is not what you judge somebody by.” The other letter says, “It is like a father that we love and admire you, for it is like a father that you teach us to be strong and stand firm for what we believe is fair.” For me, the children’s clear understandings of Mandela’s life are the lessons we should all learn.

“Madiba” is a respectful and affectionate traditional name that people use for Mandela in South Africa. And there, people say farewell to someone who has passed away with a phrase in Zulu, a salute, that means, “Go well, go in peace.” So may I join many, many others around in world in saying, “Hamba gatle, Madiba.”

 

What made Nelson Mandela such an important symbol in the fight against apartheid? And what qualities do you believe made him so valuable in bringing about the end of that system of racial oppression and the transition to majority rule?

I’m thinking of Mandela’s family and the people of South Africa – they have lost their father, their guiding light and the living voice of their freedom. It is so hard to speak of him, now, in the past tense.

He had so many wonderful gifts: Perhaps most of all he was able to gracefully unite the personal, political and cultural elements of freedom. For example, I was watching the news reports of his life and there’s a picture of him in African traditional dress, wearing a big beaded necklace and a cloth draped over his shoulder. This was taken in the 1960s, when, as an accused prisoner, he shocked the apartheid court by very consciously and defiantly showing by his attire that he was proud of his African heritage. Remember, apartheid taught that African culture was inferior, animalistic and something to be ashamed of.

At the time he was a highly educated lawyer, a member of the African National Congress, a seasoned political strategist, a guerrilla leader, a man who had traveled throughout Africa seeking support for the liberation struggle. He was proud to unite all those activities under the mantle of his heritage. He believed that being African meant humanism. It wasn’t a racial concept for him. It’s also why he was able to treat his jailers and wardens and tormentors with the courtesy and dignity that they refused to show to him.

There’s a chapter in his autobiography, “Long Walk To Freedom,” which I always assign to my classes, called “A Country Childhood.” He writes about how a good leader is one who listens and builds consensus, and how he learned the lessons of African manhood, that a man does not show his pain. So much of his later life demonstrated those two lessons in action over and over again. The ANC’s collective leadership style owes so much to those conceptions of collective leadership. And in his personal life, we see over and over that Mandela remained focused on political goals and refused to allow people to see the great and painful personal toll that he paid to achieve them.

How did he see himself as a leader? And can we overemphasize his role?

Mandela believed that leadership was a collective project. He was surrounded, throughout his long political life, by an extraordinarily gifted set of comrades and colleagues, and they were all embedded in a vibrant tradition of community social organization and direct action, which continues to this day. Of course Mandela struck out on his own, once, when he decided from his Robben Island jail cell to initiate talks with the apartheid government in the hopes of finding a way out of a looming conflagration.

We can overemphasize his role if we only talk about Mandela as a perfect saint, or as a lone savior. That would be to distort his contribution. He was a great man who dedicated his life to a collective effort and struggle for justice.

How would you assess his record as South Africa’s president (1994-99) and where the country is today as a result?

Mandela’s presidency was a time of extraordinary hope and positive action in South African life. That particular sentiment is long gone now, after many disappointments and tragedies, such as the massacre of Marikana miners last year. I think it is right to say that as president Mandela might not have been a great administrator, and he delegated a lot of the bureaucratic work of governing. But he excelled at using his personal discipline and his charismatic style to disarm people, charm them and get them to think about things in new ways. But he could also be tough and direct in his criticism. Mandela might have chosen to keep quiet sometimes but he did not dissemble or lie.

Mandela and his leadership cohort made an enormous contribution to crafting a positive institutional response to South Africa’s long history of injustice, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and to fostering a social atmosphere where former antagonists could think about how to reconcile their differences. But the ANC government has chosen to take a cautious, gradualist and essentially elite-focused approach to economic redevelopment, and that has clearly contributed to the fact that South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies on the planet.

Lasting reconciliation is not possible if only small bandages are applied to the large, old and festering wounds of apartheid. But Mandela took the important first steps to show that healing was possible. It is up to the current government and the South African people to make that healing a more tangible reality in the long run.

Are there any larger lessons we can take from his life or his leadership?

Our two sons grew up in South Africa. My family treasures two letters written to Mandela as school projects by our oldest son and by another little boy when they were 9 and 10 years old. One says, “Dear Mr. Mandela, I thank you for helping this country to realize that people’s skin color is not what you judge somebody by.” The other letter says, “It is like a father that we love and admire you, for it is like a father that you teach us to be strong and stand firm for what we believe is fair.” For me, the children’s clear understandings of Mandela’s life are the lessons we should all learn.

“Madiba” is a respectful and affectionate traditional name that people use for Mandela in South Africa. And there, people say farewell to someone who has passed away with a phrase in Zulu, a salute, that means, “Go well, go in peace.” So may I join many, many others around in world in saying, “Hamba gatle, Madiba.”

 

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Voices from the No More Jails Campaign

In early 2012 the powers that be in Champaign County criminal justice brought forward a plan to close the downtown jail and build a massive extension onto the satellite facility in East Urbana. When the proposal came before the County Board for the first time, most members responded with great enthusiasm for this multi-million dollar project. But Board member Carol Ammons spoke out against the jail construction. Not long after, a number of people from CUCPJ joined Carol in opposing spending taxpayer dollars on new jail cells. Then for nearly two years, members of what became the No More Jails campaign mobilized around two demands:  no money for jail construction and the inclusion of the community in any decision made around spending money on criminal justice. Campaign members employed a number of tactics: speaking out during public participation at Board meetings, holding public forums on the jail issue,  organizing petition drives, tabling at events like Farmers’ markets and C-U days, conducting door-to-door surveys and carrying out research on alternatives to incarceration. Despite bucking the odds, by November 21, 2013 a major shift had taken place. After commissioning a needs assessment from a California consultant and appointing a Community Justice Task Force to propose alternatives to incarceration, the Board opted for no jail construction. Instead they allocated $200,000 for new programs to keep people out of jail. The community’s voice had been heard. In the mainstream media, activist voices were glaringly absent. We thought it was important to highlight the experience of those who participated in the campaign. Below, we hear some of those voices speak out on what they have learned from this campaign and what the future holds for further efforts at re-vamping our criminal justice system.

James Kilgore and Brian Dolinar, Champaign-Urbana Citizens for Peace and Justice

Carol Ammons, CUCPJ and former County Board member:

The Champaign County Board was presented with the opportunity to use public safety sales tax dollars to increase access to rehabilitation services for people in and outside of our jails, while protecting public safety and reducing costs. I strongly felt that the evidence was clear that diversion programs and alternatives to incarceration save money and improve public safety in both the short and long term. The people in our county are in need of educational, physical and mental health services, substance abuse and treatment services, and re-entry services that could be provided much more cheaply, effectively and comprehensively outside of jail, and the Board voted in agreement with that philosophy. Our effort helped to provide the context for needed re-entry services which are proven to reduce recidivism and save public dollars. The next steps will be determined based on the number of resources that are allocated toward this paradigm shift.

Francisco Baires, C-U Immigration Forum:

Any kind of criminalization of people of color, of any people whether it’s a lifestyle, a race, an ethnicity, endangers everybody. The campaign was great―it is a victory for local social justice.  We all stand to benefit from that work. These are victories that have to be preserved and protected as we moved forward.

Businesspeople and politicians who sometimes get marching orders from moneyed interests take advantage any time they can profit off of incarcerating one group of people. Immigrants and their advocates need to pay attention to this. There is a direct correlation between corrections corporations and those people pushing for more jails.

Danielle Chynoweth, CUCPJ

We are the seeds of a mass movement against the New Jim Crow―one that isn’t confined to one part of the population, but has the potential transform our entire culture’s concept of self and other to challenge the harmful story of “good guys and bad guys.”

Because of the grassroots organizing efforts, Champaign County is helping to lead the way. For a year and a half the No More Jails campaign helped engage the county board in a critical dialogue about our racialized criminal justice system in Champaign County (see www.nationinside.org/campaign/stop-jail). Decades of massive building projects―a lavish courthouse, a taller clock tower, a juvenile detention center, and new satellite jail―have left our county in spiritual and financial debt.

As a result of our action research, independent reporting, bridge building, and advocacy, we are starting to have more air, light, compassion and thought around this issue.

Mark Enslin, CUCPJ

I learned from the No More Jails campaign how the insight of Frederick Douglass, “Power concedes nothing without a demand,” means forming a demand that is clear, just, connects the dots, and is impossible to meet—under the current state of power. I learned that when those of us who are indirectly affected by injustice decide to work with, and take cues from, those of us who are directly affected, we all might surprise ourselves with how quickly the barriers to justice crumble. But I also learned that after power concedes to a demand, it continues to try sneakier means. What next for the campaign? Work against gentrification and for low-cost housing, against the War on Drugs and for expanded treatment, against the criminalization of poverty and for a living wage, while we insist on implementation of the concrete steps in the consultant and task force reports—and a change of mindset away from punishment and toward an ethic of care.

Chris Evans, CUCPJ

We need employment in this county. We also need educational asylums to heal people of mental problems, and drug and alcohol addictions. We need family planning to help people resolve toxic relationships. We need housing for those having to start over after mass incarceration. Our crime problem is an unemployment problem, a health problem, and a housing problem.

Citizen involvement from all disciplines, all walks of life, all perspectives, and all backgrounds is going to be critical toward reducing the incidents of crime. The state’s attorney is completely correct in assessing the situation as one that needs the entire community to take part. The county board does not have the expertise to solve the problems, nor should they be expected to. They need our help to design a future that does not incarcerate ourselves, our children and our grandchildren into a cage not fit for dogs.

Scott Humphrey, Planners’ Network

During my first day out in Urbana I was introduced to the campaign by Mark Enslin and Durl Kruse, who had set up at the Farmers Market. The giant painted wooden check made out to “No New Jails” for $20M was eye-catching, and I learned from them about the campaign and was invited to the regular Saturday CUCPJ meeting at the Independent Media Center. As I attended meetings, and began to learn from people like Carol and Aaron Ammons, James Kilgore, Ken Salo, Chris Evans and others, I started to see my graduate studies through the lens of local action. As a result, I better understand the intersections of urban planning and incarceration. We should remember that many students who arrive here are philosophically aligned to support this work but unless they are met by a consistent presence (of real people) at places like the Farmers Market and the IMC, their contributions may never be realized. This does a great disservice to both the student and the campaign they may benefit.

Members of the Graduate Employees’ Organization (GEO)

Natalye Tate

Asking membership to consider the concerns of the community surrounding them was an opportunity for individuals to investigate the relationship between criminalization, institutional racism, and access to quality public education.

Rafter Ferguson

The GEO, like unions everywhere, needs to directly engage with organizations like No More Jails. We need to confront and undermine the strategy of mass incarceration in a spirit of shared struggle, to win a livable future for ourselves and our children.

Anna Kurhajec

When we surveyed community members from across the county about what they want to see in their community, no one said they wanted a bigger jail. Instead, people wanted things like better-funded schools, more jobs, and more community support for those who are struggling. The No More Jails campaign has helped to shift the conversation about criminal justice in our county: it is becoming less and less about locking people up and more and more about finding ways to actually make the community safer through support and engagement.. Our work isn’t over: we must continue to voice our concerns and send the message that we want programs, community input, and other kinds of community support networks. They benefit all members of our community and move us towards becoming a county with real public safety, not just a bigger jail.

Sophia Lewis, Women in the Jail (WITJ) Workgroup of CUCPJ

The Workgroup started in March 2013. We outlined our concerns about women jailed in the Champaign County facility before the jail consultant. Among other issues, there are virtually no same-room parent-child (physical) contact visits; only glass-barrier window visits. Contact visits had been officially banned in January 2010 by the previous jail superintendent. After meeting with the Sheriff, he made us clear on how to help him restore parent-child contact visits, offering for us to come up with the proposal. We intend to do so in keeping with the (San Francisco originated, United Nations approved) Bill of Rights of Children of Incarcerated Parents. The steps of discovering all of these things were among WITJ’s objectives that were concrete although they presented themselves organically. WITJ’s other priority, however, was to show CUCPJ’s at-large membership how the issue of women who are incarcerated and their children connects to the overall “No More Jails” campaign. Child custody issues with DCFS, working in cohesion with criminal justice authorities, also relates. The status of those issues has such an impact on core goals as prevention, lowered recidivism, and good societal re-entry that it really belongs as both an integral part and one of the underpinnings of the campaign. Many CUCPJ members became ever more supportive as the campaign progressed. For all of the help and gestures that supportiveness entailed, we are truly very grateful.

Martel Miller, CUCPJ

I learned what happens when people come to together to express their hearts and put forth their efforts. People can, in fact, change plans that were already decided. If people hadn’t stepped up, they would have been breaking ground on a new $22 million dollar jail last summer. There needs to be a financial investment in the rehabilitation, health, and well-being of the people in this community.

Niloofar Shamabayati, CUCPJ

I joined the No More Jails Campaign in April 2013, encouraged by Michelle Alexander’s talk at the university and two public forums on the subject of mass incarceration. Most of my education, however, occurred while I was working on the campaign. Our work may appear to have ended, but I think this victory has been partial and has afforded us only a short respite.

I witnessed the best of representative democracy at work, which convinced me that the only way to have genuine democracy is to build it ourselves. The process is slow, at times frustrating and tiring, and never-ending. I also learned the essentiality of reminding the members of our most democratically responsive institutions, such as county boards, that they are “we,” and that the community and their own conscience should guide their decisions, not the perceived authority of high-office-holders.

Diane Zell, President, National Alliance on Mental Illness Champaign County

The power of our diverse groups, working together where our personal interests intersected, was inspiring to see. We remain committed to improving the quality of the lives of those who live with the ongoing challenges of poverty and discrimination and/or stigma. We realize that our personal and often heartbreaking stories, which showcase our common humanity despite the additional challenges we face as formerly incarcerated citizens and/or persons living with mental illnesses, effectively impel those in power to stop and think. For example, one in four adults is affected by a mental health disorder in any given year. We all know someone who is affected!

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Martel Miller (foreground) and Sophia Lewis stand outside the satellite jail demanding justice

Martel Miller (foreground) and Sophia Lewis stand outside the satellite jail demanding justice

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One of The Core Union Values is Solidarity!

Recently the Graduate Employees Organization (GEO), the union for graduate student teaching assistants and research assistants at the University of Illinois, made a few changes to the union’s organizational structure. More specifically, the GEO added an elected Solidarity Officer to our Coordinating Committee and constitutionally recognized the Solidarity Committee as a permanent part of the union.

These changes formalized the GEO’s commitment to solidarity. However, what exactly does that mean? Solidarity is a somewhat vague term in this context, but it is actually a crucial function of the GEO. It simply means getting involved with and having a presence on campus and in the local community.

Past GEO president, Ingbert Floyd explained the importance of solidarity as “one of the core values of the union.” According to Floyd, “when certain parts of the community are negatively affected its incumbent upon us to step up and act in solidarity with the community.”

A former officer-at-large, Rafter Ferguson, further explained: “We’ve seen where the narrow focus on union member interests has gotten the union movement over the past decades. The antidote to that thinking, and the dead end it leads us to, is for unions to really regard ourselves as one sector within a broad, diverse, social justice movement—a peoples’ movement. In this context, solidarity has to take on a much deeper significance and broader scope.”

“A university is not a vacuum. As grad students, we are situated here in this community.” Lailye Weidman, a GEO member from the Dance Department added.

In constitutionally recognizing the Solidarity Committee, the GEO is in agreement with this sentiment. We cannot and should not operate independently of the larger context we exist in. The work of this committee builds on past efforts of GEO members who have collaborated with community members and other student organizations around issues of social injustice. Notably, in response to the 2009 shooting and death of fifteen-year-old Kiwane Carrington by a Champaign police officer, the GEO, Champaign-Urbana Citizens for Peace and Justice, and the National Action Network organized a rally calling for justice for Carrington.

Since this event, the GEO has intermittently engaged in solidarity actions as they come up. Until now, however, the GEO had no permanent, structural venue for building solidarity and maintaining awareness of issues affecting the community at large. Scott Humphrey, an active member of the Solidarity Committee explained that the new structure allows the GEO “the flexibility to respond to things as they come up.”

This past fall, the Solidarity Committee became involved with a number of community causes and issues including the No More Jails in Champaign County campaign, the fight for comprehensive immigration reform, petitioning for a state-wide progressive income tax, and raising awareness about the crisis of rising student debt. This spring, in addition to continuing their work on these issues, the Solidarity Committee will provide small grants to campus student organizations that are working on social justice causes.

The Solidarity Committee, together with the local Jobs with Justice chapter, will also be hosting a series of “Progressive Potlucks” beginning in the spring. The potlucks are intended to be a gathering space for members of progressive campus and community groups, where they can share ideas, meet one another and build productive relationships. The next progressive potluck will take place February 8, 6 p.m. at the University YMCA (1001 South Wright Street).

To learn more about the Solidarity Committee, please email geo@uigeo.org.

 

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The Community Saturday School and the Ongoing Campaign for Literacy

“History has shown that, up to the present time, revolutionary regimes have been the only ones capable of organizing successful mass literacy campaigns. From the Soviet Union to China, from Vietnam to Cuba, all revolutionary governments have given high priority to the war on illiteracy.” — Le Thanh Khoi, Literacy Training and Revolution: The Vietnamese Experience

In the early 90s, when 82 year-old Ms. Lennie was asked how she would define literacy as a black person, she said, “let’s say it’s reading; let’s say it’s writing or knowing how to survive in this world—and most of all knowing how to combine all of these things so that you appreciate who you are as a Black person and so you never forget your history. You understand?”

African Americans have waged a long, hard fought battle for literacy. Beginning in the slave quarters, members of the community transmitted cultural and survival knowledge through songs, folktales, and personal experience. When Black literacy was outlawed, the enslaved found creative ways to become literate, learning in secret under threat of death. Post-emancipation, one of the primary goals of the formerly enslaved was to build schools and hire teachers which the Black community personally funded. The educational self-determination and autonomy carried forward into the Black Power Movement when independent Black schools sprang up across the country.

The current problems surrounding the education of Black children are being called the civil and human rights crisis of our time. Schools serving them are being shuttered in tandem with the building of prisons that house predominantly Black bodies. Neoliberal privatization, corporate control of the curriculum, school funding that continues to rely on tax bases, and overseas job flight ensure that Black students will be educated to work in a service economy. A narrow curriculum focused on testable subjects, denies poor and working class children a liberal arts education. Black children seldom see themselves adequately and accurately represented in texts and materials.  Zero tolerance policies lead to disproportionate discipline rates for Black children with a large majority giving up and dropping out. The sour note in the myth of American Exceptionalism continues to be the inability of Black students to meet and exceed standards in core subjects. Achievement gaps and mandates, like No Child Left Behind, are signifiers for Black intellectual and cultural deficits that are proliferated through the media almost daily.

Black mothers are targeted as the reason why their children fail to thrive, as the reason they arrive at school with limited vocabularies and without the proper intellectual and behavioral skill sets to be successful in schools. The mother’s lack of education is blamed, ignoring the fact that many illiterate mothers have raised brilliant children. Missing from the Black mother shame-blame game is the biological impact of racism and the effects of stress on both mothers and children from living in impoverished, violent, overcrowded neighborhoods.

Black women across class have higher rates of infant mortality, premature deliveries, and low-birth weight babies. Low birth weights and premature births are said to have direct impacts on children’s later cognitive development. Additionally, mothers with diets deficient in polyunsaturated fatty acids and Omega 3, women who are depressed, and those who suffer from chronic stress also negatively affect the cognitive development of their children in utero. Thus, racism and intergenerational trauma of social inequality is implicated in the poor academic performance of Black children.

In October, 2010, the National Institutes of Health published an article entitled, “Improving Mothers’ Literacy Skills May Be Best Way to Boost Children’s Achievement.” They concluded that programs to boost the academic achievement of children from low income neighborhoods might be more successful if they also provided adult literacy education to parents. Saturday schools are a vehicle to address family literacy.

Why Saturday schools?

Saturday schools are not new. The Japanese have historically schooled on Saturdays, and the local Asian communities conduct weekend schools. In the UK, where many former colonial subjects relocated following WWII and various independence movements, supplementary Saturday schools provide spaces for intergenerational transmission of customs and practices, as well as support for mainstream curriculum using culturally-responsive teaching methods. Currently, there are over 1,000 weekend schools in the UK. Supplementary schools are literacy sites that support the autonomy and self-determination of cultural groups.

The Black supplementary school movement in London was a response to the disproportionate exclusion of Caribbean children from mainstream schools. The UK’s Black population had rapidly increased following the Windrush era when Caribbean laborers were recruited to aid in the rebuilding of post-WWII England resulting in a virulent, anti-Black response. In 1971, Bernard Coard wrote a pamphlet entitled, How the West Indian child is made educationally subnormal in the British school system in which he urged Black parents to organize and start supplementary, Saturday schools. Many of these schools have been in existence for over 30 years. Several programs offer classes for parents.

The Community Saturday School

On February 1, 2014, the Community Saturday School will commence at B.T. Washington Elementary School. The free program for African American children and their families will run for 12 Saturdays from 9:30 a.m. to 2:30 p.m., offering literacy instruction and arts classes. The program will focus on character building and personal development. Each morning participants along with parents and other adults will engage in group activities designed to foster personal development and enhance a sense of community. The Saturday school will take a culturally-centered approach to teaching Black history and culture. There will be five groups of age-level morning literacy classes: mothers and their children ages 2-4, mothers and children ages 5-7, students 8-10, middle-schoolers, and high school. These classes will use a variety of texts to teach the spectrum of Black history. The afternoon session will be dedicated to arts classes in the following areas: creative writing, drumming, photography, visual arts, dance, and performance. Classes will be taught by professional and youth instructors who’ve achieved recognition for their talent.

The Community Saturday School is partially funded by a grant from the Office of Public Engagement at the University of Illinois in collaboration with Professor Violet Harris in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction. Participation in the inaugural 12 week session is limited due to funding, but we are looking for other community partners to expand the program.

The Community Saturday School is a space for the development of communal literacy, taking a holistic approach developing participants culturally, spiritually, physically, and intellectually. In saying “community” the idea is that of the village that is necessary in raising the child. The village can also be seen as a maroon community engaged in active resistance to the alienating, instrumentalizing effects of schooling within an unequal, capitalist society while proactively affirming autonomy and the power of culture.

We call on those honored ancestors who persevered in the face of death to create sites for personal and collective development. We must see the struggle for literacy as nothing short of the struggle for our very lives. A luta continua!

For more information contact: Dr. Amira Davis, amira_davis@yahoo.com.

Amira Davis is a mother, artist, educator, and independent scholar whose current interest is culturally-centered, supplementary schooling.

 

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New MLK Sculpture by Preston Jackson

A new sculpture by African American artist Preston Jackson has been installed at King Park in Urbana. Inspired by Martin Luther King, Jr., it makes reference to major moments in the Civil Rights struggle, depicting a bus from the Montgomery Bus Boycott, and the Edmund Pettus Bridge, in Selma, Alabama, where those demonstrating for voting rights led a march in 1965. Preston Jackson is perhaps best known locally for his sculpture outside of the Douglass Library in Champaign. The new King sculpture is a publicly-funded art project, chosen by the Urbana Public Arts Commission, and funded by $75,000 of TIF money from tax dollars.

PrestonJackson 023

 

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Hidden Costs of Drought and Floods

 

 

Gregory McIsaac

Climate models indicate that Midwestern US will likely experience warmer and more volatile weather in the future, with more intense rainfall and more frequent and severe droughts. Trends in this direction are already evident. The severe drought of 2012 was followed by an unusually wet spring in 2013. This exaggerated some extant problems and may provide a preview of some unexpected consequences of future climate if current agricultural practices continue.

Rainfall in Illinois during May, June, and July 2012 was the third lowest since 1895, when systematic measurements are available statewide.  In 2013, April, May, June rainfall was the second wettest on record.  The immediate and obvious impacts of the drought and floods were the subject of local news coverage. A less obvious impact is the unusually large quantity of nitrate in streams, rivers and lakes of the flat, tile drained regions of Illinois and other Corn Belt states in 2013.

Much of this nitrate derives from nitrogen fertilizer that many Corn Belt farmers applied to fields late 2011 and early 2012 in preparation for growing corn.  They did not know, and could not have known at the time, that a severe drought would stunt their crop, so they fertilized as usual, expecting high yields.  Unfortunately, the drought of 2012 limited crop growth, leaving much of the fertilizer in the soil as highly soluble and mobile nitrate. The abundant rainfall in spring 2013 washed much of the nitrate out of the soil profile, sending millions of dollars of fertilizer value into drain tiles, to ditches, streams and rivers.

Moreover, nitrate concentrations in public water supplies, like Lake Decatur, were above the drinking water standard for nearly four months. The city of Decatur spent approximately $100,000 to reduce the concentration to acceptable levels.  Danville, Des Moines and other municipalities dependent on surface water in the region faced similar costs.

In addition to contaminating local water supplies, this nitrate flowed down the Mississippi River to the Gulf of Mexico where it stimulates the growth of algae in coastal waters and contributes to seasonal depletion of oxygen (hypoxia) in bottom waters.  Most aquatic organisms depend on oxygen dissolved in the water to survive, so fish and other mobile species will try to escape oxygen depleted waters. But less mobile species are more likely to suffocate from the lack of oxygen. To date, the economic cost of these “dead zones” has been difficult to quantify because fish and shrimp catch is influenced by many other factors that are difficult to measure.

While the extreme weather of 2012-13 greatly increased the loss of nitrate from farm fields, since about 1980 nitrate losses have been large enough to cause drinking water concerns and contribute to depleted oxygen in coastal waters without extreme weather.  Nitrate contamination of Lake Decatur has been discussed, researched, and debated for decades.  In 2002, Decatur spent several million dollars to install a nitrate removal system in its water treatment plant.

A variety of conservation practices can reduce the loss of fertilizer as well as flooding. Winter cover crops, perennial crops, and wetland protection and restoration provide such advantages. Winter cover crops, such as rye and oats sown in the late summer or early fall, have the potential to sequester and recycle unused fertilizer nitrogen in farmers’ fields. Perennial crops, such as switchgrass, alfalfa or clover, typically require less fertilizer, but are often less profitable than corn and soybeans.  Wetlands that intercept tile lines can remove nitrate before it enters streams.

But these practices are rarely used in the Corn Belt because they are costly to farmers and all or most of the benefits of these practices are enjoyed by people who live downstream.  Federal, state, and local funds have been and are available to subsidize some of these conservation practices, but conservation funding has been dwarfed by the profits and public subsidies available for producing high corn yields.

The public has a choice to either keep business as usual, shift incentives from corn production toward conservation practices, or to regulate farming practices to reduce flooding and nutrient losses.  Quantifying the costs and benefits of public policies in this context is complex because the costs and benefits are influenced by the dynamic and uncertain influences of weather and markets.

Under circumstances of volatility and uncertainty, it is considered prudent to diversify investments and conduct research to reduce uncertainty.  Diversification may include investing in land uses that better retain water and nutrients.  Investments in research can quantify the impact of land uses and weather events on water and nutrient losses, and assist in developing practices that utilize water and nutrients more efficiently than the current business as usual.

Gregory McIsaac is an associate professor emeritus with the Department of Natural Resources and Environmental Sciences at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. 

 

 

 

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Talk on the Black History of Illinois

Saturday February 15, 2-3 p.m.
Urbana Free Library, Lewis Auditorium (ground floor)

Negro in Illinois LGOn Saturday, February 15, 2-3 p.m., the Public i‘s own Brian Dolinar will talk about a book he recently published, The Negro in Illinois: The WPA Papers. The book was originally written by a group of black writers that included Richard Wright, Margaret Walker, Arna Bontemps, and Katherine Dunham. It tells the history of African Americans in the “Land of Lincoln” from Jean Baptiste Point DuSable, the black founder of Chicago, to the Great Migration, and the rise of Bronzeville.


 

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The Economic and Political Context of Student Debt

Alan Collinge, author of “The Student Loan Scam: The Most Oppressive Debt in U.S. History and How We Can Fight Back,” recently spoke to students at Lincoln Hall on the UI campus. His argument is detailed, persuasive, and heartbreaking; it is also a call to action for students and progressives. I was privileged to speak briefly at this event about the economic and political context of student debt, and I would like to elaborate on these remarks.
The inability of students to afford college without going into debt is the product of 40 years of policies advocated by ruling elites in this country which have resulted in astronomical increases in both student and credit card debt. These policies result from calculated choices, not from inevitable processes of globalization and technological progress.
Our country is twice as rich on a per capita basis as it was in 1970, when post-secondary students aged 18-25 constituted 4% (8.5 million) of the entire population of 200 million. Thus we should certainly be able to fund at the same level the current 21 million aged 18-25 that are now enrolled, who constitute less than 7% of the total U.S. population of over 300 million.
But while public higher education was virtually free or at least affordable in 1970, it is now prohibitively expensive for many. What I paid on a yearly basis to attend the University of California in 1970 would, if inflation were the only factor, now cost $4,000. Yet it costs over $13,000.  So why has our country gotten richer while our citizens and public institutions have gotten poorer?
First, labor’s (workers’) share of GDP has declined by at least 6% of total GDP, or at least $1 trillion per year in current dollars. This is reflected in stagnant wages over decades for most of the population, obviously including college students and their parents. Workers have not benefitted from gains in productivity—CEOs and shareholders have. In 1970, a year-round halftime (1000 hours per year) job at the common wage of $2 an hour could pay for all student tuition and living expenses. In 2013 such a job at $8 an hour would at best pay for one-third. Moreover, many parents are less able to help, see above.
Second, an inefficient and exorbitantly expensive for-profit healthcare system, spending $1 trillion more of our GDP than would “Medicare for All,” consumes increasing portions of federal and state budgets. This is not due to Medicare or Medicaid per se, but to health insurance, pharmaceutical, and medical supply corporations’ profits. In 1980, state governments spent 13% of their budgets on health and 39% on education; in 2010 those figures were 22% and 33%.
It is of course higher education funding that has decreased at a more rapid pace than K-12, because tuitions can be raised to compensate, and predatory student lenders like that just fine. Wasteful and needless military spending can be added to this increasingly constricted federal-to-state budgetary calculus.
Finally, federal tax rates over the past decades have remained low in relation to other developed nations and have become more regressive (unfair to low income workers) for a variety of reasons. Meanwhile, state taxation systems which are more regressive by nature because of their dependence on sales taxes are increasingly burdened with mandatory healthcare expenses—see above—in terms of states being required to match federal Medicaid expenses.
It needs to be emphasized that as an economy develops, a smaller percentage of its GDP is spent on the basics of food, clothing, shelter, and normal consumption. A higher percentage of the GDP should be available for governmental social and human services of all kinds, including education. This would result from a higher but easily affordable level of taxation in a country that—again—is twice as rich per capita in real terms.
But due to dramatically lower tax rates for the richest among us, the overall level of federal income taxes as a percentage of GDP decreased from 8.9% in 1970 to 7.6% in 2013; the corresponding figures for federal corporate taxes actually collected are 3.2% and 1.8%. This trend is exactly backwards, and has done enormous damage to funding for services at all levels of government, from federal to state to local.
Federal spending is not properly and beneficially used to ease pressure on state and local budgets and provide more funding room for public higher education, traditionally a function of state governments. Meanwhile, corporations play state governments off against each other in a race to the bottom regarding lower taxation and decreased public services—all while congratulating themselves for their self-serving donations to higher education.
All of these factors have conspired to put the current generation of college students at risk of indebtedness, inadequate employment, and “delayed futures” in terms of marriage and children. Specific reforms are urgently needed, especially in regard to interest rates and bankruptcy law. But we must address the overall economic and political context of student debt; by doing so many other systemic problems that have been manufactured by the 1% to the detriment of the 99% would fall by the wayside.
David Green (davidgreen50@gmail.com) lives in Champaign and is a social policy analyst at the University of Illinois; he is also a candidate for U.S. Congress in the Democratic Primary in Illinois’ 13th District.
 
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“University of Inequality?”

“University of Inequality?”

The rich are getting richer while working families are falling behind at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. A new report shows that the school’s clerical and technical staff have seen their wages stagnate in recent years and now struggle to make ends meet, but compensation for the university’s highest-paid administrators and staff continues to skyrocket.

Click here to download the full report, “University of Inequality?” [PDF]

Based on Freedom of Information Act requests by AFSCME, the report reveals that:

  • More than 2,800 university employees are paid wages so low that they qualify for food stamps based on income guidelines for a family of four.
  • Nearly 3,300 university employees don’t earn enough to afford the average cost of a three-bedroom family apartment in the Champaign/Urbana area.
  • 68 full-time university employees are paid less than the poverty level for a family of four ($23,550).
  • The 50 highest-paid university employees are being paid an average $397,141 this year — more than 19 times the average $20,348 paid to the 50 lowest-paid employees.
  • These 50 highest-paid university employees have enjoyed an average 25% pay increase in just the past three years. The lowest-paid employees have had just a 3.8% raise over the same period.
  • The total value of raises paid to just the top 1% of university employees since 2010 could have given the bottom 10% of lowest-paid workers a wage increase of more than $3,100 — enough to lift them out of poverty.
  • The highest-paid university employee takes home more in an hour ($817) than the lowest-paid makes in two weeks ($783). The lowest-paid university employee would have to work 96 years to earn what the highest-paid employee takes home this year alone.
  • Wage inequality at UIUC disproportionately harms women, who comprise nearly two-thirds (65%) of the bottom 10% of earners, but just 17% of the 1% highest-paid.

“Big-name administrators and academic superstars couldn’t function without the thousands of hard-working men and women who make the university happen,” AFSCME regional director Jeff Bigelow said. “President Easter and the board must acknowledge and confront this growing wage gap and provide a decent standard of living for all university employees.”

– See more at: http://www.afscme31.org/news/university-of-inequality#sthash.MYXuoAra.dpuf

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Protests at Walmart in Urbana and McDonald’s in Champaign

Walmart1On this year’s Black Friday, November 29, 2013, local activists held a rally at the Walmart in Urbana that was organized by Central Illinois Jobs With Justice.

They stood out in 30 degree weather holding signs as shoppers drove by, many of them honking and waving. The local chapter of Jobs With Justice was calling on Walmart to pay its workers a living wage.

Protesters attempted to deliver the below letter, but did not even make it to the front door. They were stopped outside by two representatives of Walmart. The one shown speaking to the group below said, “I admire what you are doing.” She then promptly stated that Walmart was invoking its right to private property, told protesters to leave, and said they were calling the police. The Urbana police showed up minutes later, after people had left.

Walmart2“We are back to where we were a year ago on Black Friday: standing with your hardworking employees who want nothing more than to be treated with dignity and respect at your stores.

Today, we once again join people of faith and community allies who are gathered at Walmart stores across the country in support of the store and supply chain workers who are fighting for respect, better wages, safer working conditions, and an end to the intimidation or retaliation against workers who speak up.

We demand that you listen to workers like Gail Todd, a 38-­‐year old mother of three. Gail has worked at the Walmart store in Landover Hills, MD for more than a year, earning wages that keep her and her family below the poverty line. By the end of this year, Gail will make only $17,000. Last year, her family barely survived on $14,000. Despite her hard work, Gail is forced to depend on food stamps and low income housing in order to survive.

By the end of this shopping day alone, Walmart will make millions in profits. There is no reason for those who work at your stores and your contracted warehouses and suppliers to live in poverty, yet many of them do. And when your workers stand up to demand better pay and working conditions, they are penalized for doing so.

As members of the communities on which you’ve built your company’s fortune, we demand that you listen to your workers, treat them with respect, and pay them wages that allow them to provide for their own families.

Every major faith tradition affirms the dignity of work, and as people of faith we are called to honor and protect the basic rights of all workers.

Today, we pray that you and others on Walmart’s executive team and board be reminded of your moral responsibility to treat all your store workers, including those who produce your goods, with dignity and respect.

We call on Walmart to share its corporate wealth with workers by providing what is due to store associates and to those contracted to provide and move Walmart goods: a living wage, benefits and a safe workplace.  Thank you.”

Photo credit: Jeff Putney

Photo credit: Jeff Putney

Four days later, on Thursday the 5th, Jobs with Justice organized a demonstration for a $15 per hour minimum wage, again as part of a nation-wide effort targeting McDonald’s.

The demonstration took place at the McDonald’s on Kirby and Neil.  Demonstrators with signs initially stood on the sidewalk along Kirby beginning at 5 pm, a busy traffic hour.   After about a half-hour on the sidewalk, it was decided to try to enter the restaurant.  Unlike Walmart, McDonald’s had a hired security force to stand outside as well as inside the restaurant. They prevented entry.  As far as the demonstrators could get was the inside of the small foyer on the south side of the establishment.  A security person prevented them from penetrating the inner door.  One of the security people forced the press off of the McDonald’s lot, and tried to provoke violence by deliberately bumping up against the demonstrators as they marched around the building.  No one reacted violently to the provocation. And  point was made very visibly to drivers at that busy intersection.

McD's 2

 

 

 

 

 

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My Walter

Cope Cumpston

W.butterfly.lrWhen I met Walter in Boston we were calligraphers in love with words and letterforms, pioneer members of the Lettering Arts Guild of Boston. I was editing its newsletter, and he was the treasurer. I went over budget so he took me to lunch to Discuss It. At that lunch we fell into each other and talked through a dentist appointment and half the afternoon. When I finally took the subway back to my job I remember saying to myself, I don’t know what just happened but I know nothing is ever going to be the same.

And it wasn’t. We ran through the ti-trees, we ran through the mulga; we ran through the long grass, we ran through the short grass. We ran through the Tropics of Capricorn and Cancer, we ran till our hind legs ached. We had to!

Walter was 21 years older than I, and retired when we moved to California. That opened his time to be a stay-at-home dad for Sarah, and to dive with full energy into the passions that kept expanding throughout his life. He had been a football player and not very academically oriented in college, and regretted that deeply. He returned after his years at Borden for graduate work in economics at Duke. He realized as he struggled with equations and finance theory that his heart lay in history, but that wasn’t the road to supporting his family at the time.

Around the time he was at Duke, when he also quit smoking and lost some 70 pounds from his business-executive years abroad, Walter began a lifelong immersion in history – the history of civilization, studies of Greek and Roman writers with a particular focus on Julian the Apostate and what he had to teach about the emperor-scholar, about being a ruler but also a social and religious reformer and a deeply passionate man of letters. Walter read widely in ecclesiastical studies and the philosophy of religion, following an early immersion in the Episcopal church; in his high school yearbook his intended career was “minister,” and he was headed for a time to seminary. Walter had a lifelong love of Episcopal language and liturgy.

His library is rich in history from all over the world. He read The New York Review of Books cover to cover, along with the New Yorker, and often ordered books reviewed in each issue. He read every one of his books, underlined extensively, and remembered every detail. He studied the origins of slavery, different forms of government, was an enthusiastic follower of Eugene Debs, and favored socialism. In his work and politics after leaving the south, he gravitated toward progressive nonprofits, working for organizations that dealt with everything from brain trauma victims, anti-racism training, and a stint supporting the financial organization of worker-owned cooperatives in Apopka, Florida and Puerto Rico, to his longstanding devotion to work with George Woodwell and the Woods Hole Research Center, which has become a world leader in environmental research and education.

Walter was also a lifelong traveler and linguist. He spent the first part of his career living overseas, where he learned Spanish and some Afrikaans, and after returning he continued to travel widely and study many languages. He expanded his love of language through a foray into translation. When living in Italy with our daughter Sarah during her fourth grade year – his rather startling response to the fact that foreign languages weren’t taught in her school – he befriended a group of scholars and writers in Padova, and translated a book by his friend Andrea Molesini, Polvere Innamorata, “Loving Dust,” epigraph below. Later he undertook to translate the poetry of Antonio Colinas from the Spanish, after he realized that this work was not available in English. Walter immersed himself in the world of translation through a fully-funded residency at the Banff Center in Canada with a translators’ group, and later received a grant from the Spanish government to further his work with Colinas, which he used to spend several weeks in residence with the poet.

Walter and I got into situations that we had no idea how to navigate; sometimes we did ok, sometimes not. We brought his mother Enid to live with us in Woods Hole Massachusetts and had the immense pleasure of sharing her 90th year. We got Walter through Hodgkins disease and radiation. When I realized I might lose him I wanted desperately to have a child, and so we had the magic and mystery of life with Sarah. We followed my university press career from Boston to Stanford, California. We hated the complacency of Palo Alto and so we lived in a group house in East Palo Alto, a Black and immigrant community and learned the realities of living on the underside of the American dream. The gift there was the love and creativity and power of our neighbors — Tongan, Hispanic, Japanese, Black, Hells Angels, and other urban pioneers like us. When we came to Urbana and saw the racial struggles in Sarah’s 2nd grade classroom we knew we had to throw ourselves into finding a way to be part of this entire community, both north and south of University Avenue.

Walter loved living here. We spent 17 of our 34 years together in Urbana – that amazes me. An uptight upright New Englander born and bred like me, and a Florida guy who had sailed the 7 seas. This community opened its hearts to us and let us fly – Walter acted at the Station Theater, fell by chance into running a political campaign around the school board, and then took off in the middle of the campaign to take Sarah to Italy for her 4th grade year and left me in charge. I discovered how heady it is to work with great people and win a political campaign, and that opened another episode in our lives together. We found WEFT and the joy of radio work, music, reading aloud, the power and fun of that community. We discovered the School for Designing a Society that didn’t want to settle for what we have – so let’s create a better society together. And we did. Walter learned so much from David Monk and his love of the prairie. So many of you in this room have been with us in discovering the surprises and the strengths and the beauty and the insatiable curiosity in this town, and have walked with Walter through storm and sunshine these past 17 years.

Thank you all. Thank you for holding me together when things were falling apart. Thank you for loving Walter for who he was. Thank you for loving me and Sarah. Thank you for being with us in this past remarkable, painful, amazing week. As our dear friend Renee said to Walter in the emergency room last Saturday when he had just been brought back to life for another 21 hours, “you’re going to make a great angel.”

Walter isn’t gone, he’s with us and will always be. I know that what I need to do now is be more of what Walter taught me is possible. Come live with me in Walterville.

 

 

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Raising Concerns about Chinese Students’ Mental Health

Yongfei Ci is a 6th-year-PhD student in University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. While he is majoring in math here, this semester he went to Brown University to do research. But on September 28th, Ci returned to Urbana and murdered his ex-girlfriend Mengchen Huang in her apartment in One North. They had broken up one week before the homicide.

Huang was a first year PhD student in art history. She was also a teaching assistant for an art history class. I tried to interview several close friends of Huang to get their understanding and feelings about the homicide but they refused to talk  “due to respect for her and her parents”. But, a student in Huang’s art history class said,  “Yongfei Ci read too many books and devoted too much time into his own study. He didn’t have many friends.”

Yongfei Ci was a TA in Calculus 3. He doesn’t have many friends. When being asked about him, the victim’s friend said, “I don’t know him at all.” Huang is the only one he can talk to and rely on, but this semester he is doing research far away. His absence might be a reason that his girlfriend broke up with him, which eventually led to the tragedy. His girlfriend and his studies in math were his whole life.

“If someone means everything in your life, you cannot bear losing her,” remarked a Chinese student after hearing about it.

Ci reflects some common characteristics of Chinese students: lack of a social life, eminence in academics, and unwillingness to express feelings. These are common among Chinese students. They only make friends with Chinese, and they rarely go to parties. They don’t even need to go to a doctor or hospital because almost all of them have a bag of medicines for cold and sore throat. What’s more important, they don’t usually seek help from others. Things could have been different if Ci had consulted friends or psychologists. Asking for help, or even advice, is commonly recognized as embarrassing and illustrates the person’s inability to depend on one’s self.

Xinyan Zhou, a sophomore student in computer science major was surprised when he found that I was texting an American girl discussing how to start my paper, saying “I never sent a message to an American for advice.”

“There are two typical groups of Chinese students. One is very social, and the other is kind of like geeks.” Said Molly Ma, a Chinese freshman student majoring in architecture. “But one common feature is that both of them basically only get along with other Chinese.” However, she gets along well with her American roommates. When asked which type she is, she said “I don’t mean there are only these two kinds of people. They are just typical.” Then she added, “Now I only have three close American friends, my roommate and my two suitemates.” While even she only has three real American friends, most Chinese students don’t make friends with any Americans. “We know each other’s name or maybe we don’t. We are in the same class and we talk to each other. That’s all, and there’s no more.” Said Yang Lei, a freshman student majoring in math.

“We all know that there is McKinley for mental health, and counseling in International Student and Scholar Services (ISSS), but I never heard of anyone using it.” said Yang, “and now after Ci, it feels like everyone assumes someone studying math has mental issues.” The ISSS in UIUC has a project called “interlink”, which aims to help new international students establish a mentorship with senior students. Sadly, none of my interviewees has heard of anyone taking part in it as a mentee.

Chinese students are avoiding communication with others. The foreign environment enhances the problem. Being one of a minority increases international students’ anxiety. They find it difficult to be friends with people of different ethnicities. As they grow older, more of their friends graduate or leave the school. “The old people don’t make new friends.” Jialun Liu, a 24-year-old graduate student in electrical and computer engineering said. “We are the old people on campus.” The shrinking number of friends makes them feel insecure. All these factors make them more and more lonely. They need mental health care.

“Offer them more opportunity to come out of their own world,” concluded Molly, “that will prevent tragedies like this from happening again.”

(Hong Cheng is a freshman in Math & Computer Science, U of I)

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Six Community Organizations Ask Urbana Council for a Study Session on Racial Disparities in Police Stops

October 7, 2013

The Urbana Police Department (UPD) has been reporting traffic stop data to the State of Illinois for nine years, 2004 through 2012.  City data trends and patterns of traffic law enforcement can now be discerned and documented by race.  A troubling and undeniable fact is that significant racial disparities reappear year after year regarding traffic law enforcement of African-American drivers.  For example, although African-American drivers compose 14%-16% of the driving public, they composed approximately 30%-38% of the stops conducted by the UPD each of the nine years.  No other racial driving group in the City of Urbana comes close to this level of disparity; rather their percent of all stops is consistently at or below their percent of the driving public.

Without going into great detail here, disparities involving African-American drivers repeatedly exist year after year in citation rates, number of consent searches, and number of dog sniff searches.   Aside from the pure injustice of racial disparities, the negative impact of these disparities translates into an inequitable loss of hundreds of thousands of dollars in citations, hundreds of hours of disrupted personal time, and strained police/community relations.

Solving this problem will take more effort than the city has shown to date.   Addressing it internally has resulted in little improvement.  The city must allow for more direct community involvement and participation to help find the appropriate responses and actions needed to resolve this problem.

Alexander Weiss, Ph.D. Project Director of the IDOT data collection, stated in the initial 2004 Report: “the system will provide a method for serious community-based introspection” and “be a useful instrument to help frame this important discussion and can provide a framework for accountability and community participation”.

In his July 19th Trayvon Martin speech to the nation, President Obama included the following comment:  “When I was in Illinois, I passed racial profiling legislation, and it actually did just two simple things. One, it collected data on traffic stops and the race of the person who was stopped. But the other thing was it resourced us training police departments across the state on how to think about potential racial bias and ways to further professionalize what they were doing.”

 As concerned citizens and active local community organizations we are asking you, our elected city representatives, for more opportunities for direct community participation and a new way forward in police-community relations.  This new approach will enable the community to have a dialogue about potential racial bias and develop together ways to further strengthen the Urbana Police Department.

The public expects our police department to enforce traffic laws impartially, fairly, and equitably regardless of the driver’s race.

Therefore, we are making two requests of the Mayor and City Council:

1.  To schedule a Special Study Session of the City Council between October 29th and November 15th to present, discuss, and review the IDOT traffic data.  This would allow adequate time for staff, the city council, and the public to be notified and to prepare information, comments and questions for the study session.

2. To create, support, and fund an Ad Hoc Traffic Stop Data Committee.  This committee would meet to study the data, policies, and policing procedures involving traffic stops in more detail.  They would be charged to research and prepare a set of recommendations to address the racial disparities found in Urbana’s traffic stop data.  The committee should consist of at least 30% African-American representation and could be composed of members from each of the signatory organizations, general community members appointed by the mayor, two representatives from the UPD, city support staff, and council representation if desired.

We encourage the City of Urbana to take a proactive approach of engaging the community in helping to address this problem.  We thank you for your time, consideration and service to our community.

Respectfully,

Belden Fields             Champaign Urbana Citizens for Peace and Justice

Stephen Portnoy       Champaign County ACLU Chapter

Patricia Avery            NAACP Chapter of Champaign County

Melinda Carr             The Ministerial Alliance of Champaign-Urbana & Vicinity

Barbara Wysocki       League of Women Voters of Champaign County

Ricky Baldwin            Central Illinois Jobs with Justice

Attachments:

2004-2012 Urbana and State of Illinois Traffic Stop Bar Graph

2004-2012 Cumulative Summary of Urbana Traffic Stops by Racial Group

2012 Urbana and State of Illinois Traffic Stop Summary

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21st Century Slavery, Electronic Style

Somewhere in the middle of a November night in 2009 I got a phone call from my then 95 year old mother. She said she had chest pains, had already phoned 911 and thought she was having a heart attack.  Since she only lived about a ten minute drive away, my first instinct was to jump in the car and rush to her side. Instead, I dialed the 800 number  the Illinois Department of Corrections had provided me for emergencies. Like thousands of people in the U.S., I was on an ankle bracelet as part of the conditions of my parole.  I couldn’t leave the house unless I had permission from my parole agent.  After listening several times to the IDOC’s recording of how important my call was to them, a woman picked up the phone. I told her my story. She told me I could only go if I had permission from my parole agent.  She said she would contact him and see what he had to say. Unless I’d committed a triple homicide or gotten caught with a truckload of heroin, my parole agent wasn’t going to be respond at three in the morning.  I had to decide: go to the hospital anyway, explain it to the agent in the morning and hope for the best or wait it out until six a.m. when I had permission to leave the house. I opted to wait the three hours. Fortunately it wasn’t a heart attack and she was sent home that afternoon. That same morning I phoned my parole agent and asked him if I could leave the house without permission should a similar situation arise in the future.  He said it was a “grey area.”  After six and a half years in prison, I knew that grey areas were places you don’t go.

After that night I began to ask a few more questions about electronic monitoring. For most people, it’s just something for the rich and famous who run afoul of the law. Martha Stewart was on an ankle bracelet, as were Paris Hilton, Lindsay Lohan, and Charley Sheen. The other cohort that gets associated with ankle bracelets are people with sex offense registries. They love to put them on monitors.  Most people seem to have the idea that an ankle bracelet is just a little black box they attach to your leg and then it’s business as usual. Whenever I try to explain electronic monitors to people, they usually say “at least it’s better than being in jail.” Well, that’s true. I’d rather be on an ankle bracelet any day than in Menard or even the local county jail.  But that’s not the point.

Electronic monitoring is supposed to be an “alternative” to incarceration. Something very different, that lets people work, go to school or participate in family activities. In many instances, that’s true. But electronic monitoring can be something quite different, something far more draconian.

I’ve interviewed lots of people who’ve been on monitors.  A few have no complaints. Their parole agent lets them come and go as they please and the monitor doesn’t get in their way other than every once in awhile when someone sees that bump on their ankle and looks at them kinda funny.

Far more people have a lot of concerns about these monitors.  Shawn Harris who was on a monitor for a year in Michigan described being on parole with monitor as changing  “from a prison setting to a housing setting which is now your new cell.” Jean-Pierre Shackelford who spent nearly three years on a monitor in Ohio called it “ 21st century slavery, electronic  style.” Richard Stapelton, who worked for more than three decades in the Michigan Department of Corrections depicted monitoring people on  parole as   “another burdensome condition of extending their incarceration.”

Why do some people get so riled up about being on a monitor? First of all, house arrest is not always very pleasant.  You may be jammed into a one bedroom apartment with four or five family members. You become an imposition to them.  And usually authorities provide you with no clear cut guidelines about what you can and cannot do.  While monitoring supposedly gives you freedom to move, final authority rests with the supervisor and there are no avenues of appeal. So if you want to visit your child or enroll in a class, your parole agent can simply refuse and you have to accept it.  If you’ve never been on parole or probation, you need to know that not all parole and probation officers are nice people who are trying to look after you. Some are. Mine actually was quite reasonable.  But too many are what we call “haters.” They like to do whatever they can to make your life difficult –as we say “because they can.”

The second problem is that with modern GPS-linked ankle bracelets they know where you are at every moment.  This allows supervisors to place very strict rules on your movements. I know one man who was only allowed to shop in three stores: Meijer, Walgreen’s and the Dollar Store. If he went anywhere else he could be violated and sent back to prison. Another person I know once stopped for eight minutes to talk to someone on his street who was having a yard sale.  The next day he got a call from his parole agent asking him what he was doing at that house since it wasn’t on his list of approved addresses. The agent warned that repeating this transgression, that is attending an unauthorized yard sale for eight minutes,  could land him back in prison.

The third problem is the cost. Most people these days pay a daily fee to be on a monitor-anywhere from five to seventeen dollars. Such charges are okay if you are Martha Stewart, but if you are unemployed and just finished ten years in prison, three months of monitoring charges can sink you into a deep financial hole.

So does that mean we should stop using monitors in criminal justice?  Not just yet. But monitors should be administered in a way that gives the person on the bracelet the freedom they need to get their life together, not with a long laundry list of restrictions which set an individual up for going back to prison because the bus arrives five minutes late and they don’t get back home by the prescribed hour.  A person on monitoring should have rights to movement for necessary activities like seeking work and getting medical treatment and taking part in family activities. If those rights are denied, they should have an avenue of appeal.

Lastly, lose those daily charges for electronic monitoring.  Being on an ankle bracelet is part of what a criminal justice system is supposed to do, part of why we pay taxes.  If our taxes can’t cover the costs of criminal justice, then we should either arrest and punish fewer people or raise taxes. No one, either the parole people or private monitoring companies, should be sucking the last dollar out of poor peoples’ pockets  so they can pay the operating cost of an electronic monitor.

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