The London Olympics

The London Olympics
by Neil Parthun

The 2012 Summer Olympics will be held from July 27 to August 12, 2012. While the Games will bring international athletes together in spectacles of sport, it will also bring another spectacle altogether. As with other host cities, London will likely see the possibility of crippling debt, a specter of gentrification and militarization and a profitable relationship with Olympic sponsors that are some of the worst corporate criminals and human rights abusers.

 

Most Olympic host cities get racked with enormous debt. For example, it took Montreal thirty years to pay off the $2.7 billion it owed in cost overruns from hosting the 1976 Olympics. One of the factors that helped fuel the current Greek economic crisis was the $11 billion spent on the 2004 Games, an amount that nearly doubled the originally proposed budget. So, it should be no surprise that after the pageantry of the Games are over, London will be stuck with a massive bill despite setting aside £9.3 billion for a budget. This is especially galling given the budget cuts and austerity measures already enacted and being proposed by UK leaders.

 

As the Olympics loom, English housing rights activists are decrying the Games for heightening the already existing housing availability and affordability problems in London. Some tenants near Games venues have reported massive increases in their rent when re-signing leases, notifications of temporary sublets and/or temporary rent increases for the duration of the Olympics. Others have reported attempts at eviction to allow for a clientele that will pay the higher rent prices and allow the landlords to make a hefty profit. But it isn’t just landlords that are engaging in evictions. Residents in certain housing developments have been told by the local governments to vacate their buildings because they will be demolished as part of an Olympic ‘beautification’ effort. These people have not been told about any possibilities of a guaranteed right of return if and when the housing is rebuilt.

 

While there have been attacks on housing opportunities for the poor, there have also been other attempts at gentrification through the use of the police. Prior to the arrival of the Olympics, London police arrested sex workers in disproportionate numbers in areas where Olympic venues and activities would be located and have begun cracking down on brothels near Olympic venues. By cracking down on these institutions, many sex workers have been forced into the streets which has, according to activists, become a much more dangerous environment for their health and safety. Such harsh police pressure has also made it more difficult for sex workers to feel comfortable and secure to come to police if they were the victims of a criminal offense while working because they fear arrest.

 

The police have also been given vastly expanded powers to deal with possible ‘undesirable’ people or activities. Certain areas around London have now become legal ‘dispersal zones’ which allow officers to remove any person engaged in antisocial behavior such as soliciting, begging or loitering. Police are telling activists that they must first speak with and clear protests with the police so they can be appropriately managed has also amplified the chilling effects on speech. Any protests that are not appropriately told to authorities beforehand may face immediate removal thanks to the dispersal zones. Furthering belief that the goal is to marginalize protest, a number of activists have been given antisocial behavior orders that prevent them from legally being present at any event where there are Olympic activities and the police have also announced preemptive arrest of people they suspect may disrupt the London Games.

 

Authorities have also been given wide latitude to protect the corporate image of the Olympics and its sponsors. Under the London Olympic Games Act of 2006, police may seize political posters that disparage the Olympics and even enter private homes to take such signs. It also allows the security forces to deal with businesses that are not official sponsors but seek to use two or more of the following terms in their advertising: “Games, Two Thousand and Twelve, 2012, Twenty-Twelve” as well as “Olympics” or the five rings logo. These protections go above and beyond current copyright law in England and allow for greater protection of the corporate entities sponsoring the Games.

 

The Games has good reason to want to try to protect the image of their sponsors because they are some of the worst human rights and labor rights abusers. Allegations have arisen that adidas has utilized sweatshop labor to make some of their branded Olympic uniforms. Rio Tinto, the mining company providing the medals, has locked out workers in Quebec because the workers would not stand for retiring workers to be replayed by contract employees earning 50% of the pay for doing the same work. There is also the relationship with BP, a company being called an Olympic environmental sponsor, which perpetrated one of the biggest environmental disasters with the massive oil spill in the Gulf. But most notably have been the protests around Dow Chemical. Members of the Indian Olympic team threatened a boycott over Dow’s relationship with the Olympics as Dow has still refused to make amends and appropriate cleanup the aftermath of the Bhopal gas disaster.

 

There will be many jobs for the security at the Games that has necessitated over 23,000 police/military to be present. More UK soldiers will be patrolling the Olympics than will be serving in Afghanistan. The overt militarization can also be seen in the sonic weaponry used by US forces in Iraq that will be on scene, the surface to air missiles present on rooftops of apartment complexes across London and the scanners, facial recognition software, cameras, checkpoints and in the tandem presence of police and military patrols. The surveillance equipment will not disappear after the Games end.

 

International sporting events don’t have to cause these kinds of problems and exacerbate social inequity. But it is up to us to reclaim them. We can have large international sporting events that uplift the human spirit and don’t drag a host city and nation into debt or exacerbate and aggravate already existing social problems. But we must take back the world of sport for the causes of truth, freedom and social justice because while we may always and rightfully remember some of the athletic feats we’re sure to see during the Games, the social and economic impacts of the London Olympics will be around long after the festivities end.

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Kudos to Our Own Brian Dolinar

Researcher, teacher, and editor/writer for the Public i, Brian Dolinar, has just made two major contributions to the world of knowledge.  Both of them are books about the contributions of African Americans to the intellectual, cultural and political life of the United States.

First, something about the background our Public i colleague’s background.  Brian is a Kansan who too his B.A. in American Studies, with a minor in Women’s Studies, at Wichita State University in 1995.  He then went on to earn an M.A. in American Culture Studies at Bowling Green State University in 1997, and then in 2005 a Ph.D. in Cultural Studies, with an Africana Studies Certificate, from Claremont Graduate University in Claremont, California.  He has taught courses on race, ethnicity, and gender-related topics at Bowling Green State, California State Polytechnic, California State University in LA, and the U of I.  He has authored quite a number of articles and essays in scholarly publications aside from his numerous articles on race-related issues, especially dealing with the criminal justice system, in the Public i.

The first book that Brian has come out with is entitled, The Black Cultural Front: Black Writers and Artists of the Depression Generation, is published by the University Press of Mississippi.  In this work, Brian shows how the political Left had a major impact on Langston Hughes, Chester Himes, and Ollie Harrington.  The book reexamines past works on these three intellectuals and finds that they insufficiently appreciated the impact that such groups as the Communist Party, the National Negro Congress, and the CIO had on these writers.  The Communist Party was one of the most forceful proponents of equal rights for African Americans in the 1930s, 40s, and 50s. It thus had an attraction for African Americans, especially for African American intellectuals who reflected and commented on the life conditions of African Americans during a period of profound economic deprivation, educational segregation, exclusion from voting, exclusion from the military, exclusion from all of the AFL craft unions and most well-paying jobs, false criminal accusations and prosecutions, chain gangs, and lynchings. The Communist Party not only denounced these conditions but actively intervened through demonstrations, legal defense, electoral activity, its newspaper, and its labor union activity.

Some African American intellectuals and artists outright joined the party.  Some were just sympathizers and participants in organizations that were influenced by the party, as was the case of Hughes, Himes, and Harrington.  In either case, with the rise of the second 20th century red scare (the first being during the First World War and the Russian Revolutionary period) otherwise known as McCarthyism, those African Americans who came into the orbit of the Communist Party or other organizations where it had influence became particularly vulnerable targets of repression.  Some fled the country, especially for France or the USSR. While the Black Cultural Front focuses on the above three writers, it is also a formidable history of a repressive period in American history that is little known for its political horror to many of today’s citizens.  At the same time, this repression stimulated an incredibly rich intellectual and artistic output by African American writers who not only understood the economic underpinnings of the racial and political repression, but reflected them publicly in their literary works and at their own peril.  Brian does a magnificent job examining a portion of this literature in its historical context.  He also reflects on how this literature influenced later African American writers like Walter Mosley.

Brian’s second major book contribution, forthcoming from the University of Illinois Press in the spring of 2013, is doubly fascinating because it involved considerable detective work on Brian’s part.  This is a book in which Brian serves as the assembler and editor of The Negro in Illinois. The Negro in Illinois was a comprehensive history of African Americans in Illinois that was funded by the Works Progress Administration created by the New Deal.  The WPA, which funded the construction of the U of I’s Illini Union, also created employment for many artists and intellectuals.  One of these was the Illinois Writers’ Project, of which the Negro in Illinois was one component.

After the WPA’s projects were shut down in 1942, the essays that had been written for the Negro in Illinois were not left in one place and some were not well organized. Most were in three different libraries in Chicago.   Others were in Springfield, and still others in the Library at Syracuse University.  It took a lot of detective and leg work to assemble all 29 of these essays into a single published volume for the first time.  While I have not read all of them, those I have read present a fascinating picture of African American life in the city of Chicago, some going back to its incorporation in 1837.  Brian has done a superb job of assembling, editing, and introducing us to how African Americans saw their lives in our state in the past two centuries.  This very distinctive work is a treasure for which we should all be grateful.

Thank you Brian for both of these superb pieces of work.  We are now even prouder than we were before, which was very proud, to have you as a colleague on the Public i.

On Saturday, Sept. 22, at 2 p.m., Brian Dolinar will give a book talk for The Black Cultural Front at the Urbana Free Library.

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Poetry from the Experimental Writing Laboratory

The Experimental Writing Laboratory is an out-there zone where writers & non-writers are invited to explore the outer limits of language & writing using a variety of rich, challenging, unsettling, and funny experiments. In using these experiments, we invite the world to participate in the writing of our poems, and learn new ways of reading & looking at language.

The group meets every other Saturday from 3:30-6:00pm at the St. Jude Catholic Worker House Annex (behind the big house). Upcoming dates: 6/30, 7/14, 7/28.

To find out when we’re meeting or for more information, follow us online at http://expwritinglab.wordpress.com/ or contact Austin at theaustinmccann@gmail.com.

Summer Sublets

800 B.C.
sits at depths
of string
and chords of color
and beams of water
burst forth from the crumbling
cone, puking
their guts out.

Sift
memory
stumbling
OWNER
of
nothing
but
why?
SUFFOCATE

Shall I compare thee to
our first conversation in which
you told me to go
there but I never did
what they said,
fell & flopped to
the side
and over the top.

Let’s lay down
under the swaying
tries
to drink from
salty dreams
awake high blood pressure
and pretty red eyes
of splendor

The fire upstairs
went around the windows
looking for every last
weasel in the
gas chamber
a dive below
the concrete floor

There is a
name for this kind of
generous spirit
loving and eternal
like every relationship I’ve
sabotaged not so much
but thoroughly looked-over
the stirredness

Missed Connections

Alright,
Be
Capitalist.
Destroy
Ecologies,
Finance
Gangsters,
Harass
Immigrants,
Justify
Kleptocracy…

Let
My
Nation
Overdose.

Pass
Quietly.

Remember
Something,
Though:

Underneath
Victoriousness
Whirls
Xenophobia,
Your
Zodiac.

able bodied crayon drawn econ
omists fucking giggle headed ide
ologists; jerks kicking lifeless
mannequins nominally origi
nally politicians; quacks; real
states taxing unreal vastness; worthless Xer
xes yoking Zoroasters.

Autonomous beings create delight.
Every fecund giving heart ignites justice.
Kyriarchy loses.
Magick needs opportunities; power quietly rises.
Spiraling through universal verdant worlds, xen yields Zomba

Livestock

Bach in the cathedral, stardust in the vacuum chamber.
I feel just well enough to write strangely, little else
Places your mouth hid, and where your teeth almost bit through
I hope you see now why it is so important
There are no slaves in the landscape of consciousness.
When it is authentic you will be sensitive to every need and respond with a generosity unspoiled by selfish intent.
“This shooting human beings beats rabbit-hunting all to pieces … ”
not because they needed to, but simply because they could
We have come to give you metaphors for your poetry
alluring ject, almost preternatural
sure as shitting sand at the seashore

I’ll be the exact age my mother was when she

I had been in a motorcycle accident and I’d been hurt
just lightly touched by the passing foil of the water
beaded creatures swallow
the horse’s muzzle, taken on large scale, giving strong optical foreshortening

Adventure Travel

waves
howdy do
walrus
doctor
dreams
of
or

Tonight we drink
from nine until
noon, but
the train’s late
as of yesterday
I fell up
rolling like smoke
over hills
asplendid.

Meals are
where we sit
is sticky with
old milky residue
caused my nausea
and worsened my
faith in reason
damaged
beyond repair

Breaking
bones
The best miner
will always look
to the eyes
glass, a mystery
subject + unknown,
downsize immediately!
Or else they’ll
be caught
cuz yr scared

Allegheny Bridge, corroded
depopulation eminent
fading generosity
haunting images
jumbled jaleidoscopically
Like merchant’s neckties over painted quarries
Remediation…?

St. Stanislaus’s talismen underappreciated violently
Warhol-worshiping xenophobes
yuppifying zealously

Help Wanted

“So, it is like the perfect victim?”

He suddenly stopped hiccuping, his heart thumped and dropped somewhere for a second, then returned, but with a blunt needle stuck in it. What has become of THE BODY on this level? By the end of this generation, there will be only desert. I’d worn out my suit completely. What is the aspirant expected to trust when he sees that he can no longer trust reason? These people are sacred; from all over the universe they are coming to see it. The painting is used in a blessing ceremony for healing, or to impart the courage and spiritual strength requisite to the endurance of some ordeal, or the performance of some difficult task. I have reported what I saw & heard, but only part of it. For I have greatly sinned, at all times, greatly sinned against my prompters.

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UIUC Conference: The Problem of the Twenty-First Century: Race and Racism in and Beyond the United States

THE PROBLEM OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY:

RACE AND RACISM IN AND BEYOND THE UNITED STATES

Transnational Studies and Race/Class/Gender Workshop

University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign

September 7-8, 2012

Keynote Speaker, Howard Winant,

Howard Winant is author of Racial Formation in the United States (1986, 1994) — the “little red book” he co-authored with Michael Omi — what has easily been one of the most influential books in the study of race and racism of the past quarter century.  Elaborating on their theory, Winant has since increasingly focused on the comparative and global dimensions of racial formations in books like Racial Conditions: Politics, Theory, Comparisons (1994), The World Is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy Since World War II (2001), and The New Politics of Race: Globalism, Difference, Justice (2004).

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Errata

On page 6 of the September 2011 (V11, #8) issue,  the article entitled “U of I Law Professor Harassed by FBI/CIA After 9/11” was mistakenly attributed to Professor Sahar Aziz.  She was not the author and we apologize to her for the error.

On the cover of our last issue, the name David Johnson wrongly appeared under the photo of Rick Esbenshade.  We apologize to both Rick and David.

 

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Odyssey Project Offers Classes on Literature, Philosophy, History and Art

Residents in Urbana-Champaign are invited to apply to be part of a unique program offering a free college liberal arts course to adults living on low-incomes, complete with college credit.

The Odyssey Project, a program of the Illinois Humanities Council in partnership with the Clemente Course in the Humanities, is a free college-level introduction to the humanities, founded on the conviction that engagement with the humanities can offer individuals a way out of poverty by fostering habits of sustained reflection, critical thinking, and skilled communication.

Classes are offered in literature, philosophy, history, art history, and writing, taught by faculty members from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. In partnership with the Bard College Clemente® Course in the Humanities, students may receive up to six units of college credit.

Courses are taught at the Illinois Program for Research in the Humanities on the UIUC campus. Since its inception, more than 500 students have graduated from the program.

Earl Shorris, the late founder of the Clemente Course in the Humanities, of which the Odyssey Project course is a part, said that, “If one has been ‘trained’ in the ways of poverty … what is needed is a beginning, not a repetition. The humanities teach us to think reflectively, to begin, to deal with the new as it occurs to us, to dare. If the multigenerational poor are to make the leap out of poverty, it will require a new kind of thinking—reflection.”

The Odyssey Project is now accepting applications for its 2012-2013 school year. Applicants must be at least 18 years old and live in a household with income no more than 150 % of the Federal poverty level.  Classes are free of charge and books, on-site babysitting and transit cards are also provided.  Classes are held mid-September through May at all locations. The application deadline is August 1, 2012. Applications and information about the Odyssey Project are available on the Odyssey Project page at www.prairie.org or by contacting Amy Thomas Elder at 312.422.5580.

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Grassroots Radio Conference Coming to Urbana: Hundreds converging July 26-29 to chart the future of community radio.

From July 26-29, the Urbana-Champaign Independent Media Center will be hosting the Grassroots Radio Conference (GRC), an annual conference celebrating the vibrant and democratic medium of local, community-driven radio. Highlights include a Friday night keynote by New York Times best-selling author Joe Torres, a bus tour of UC2B, Urbana-Champaign’s new public broadband system, and a celebration of WRFU’s new radio tower that will enable the station to reach the entire Champaign-Urbana community. Registration is $125 ($75 low-income) and can be done at www.grassrootsradioconference.org.

“We’re calling it ‘The Future of Community Radio’ because we’re at a crucial juncture for radio,” says GRC staff organizer Austin McCann. “Congress passed the Local Community Radio Act in 2010, which means that more than 1,000 new community stations might be going on air in the next few years. Meanwhile, digital technologies have opened up a new frontier for radio stations. What do we want this new media landscape to look like? How can we best use this incredible opportunity to grow our democracy? We want to use this conference as a fun & challenging opportunity to have these conversations while we learn indispensable tools about how to start and run our own stations.” With the rise of digital technology, community radio stations have an opportunity to engage global audiences, deploy mobile studios, share community wireless internet, and become multimedia community centers. Participants in the GRC will chart a vision for community radio as a dynamic community-building tool for decades to come.

The keynote address will be delivered by Joe Torres, activist & co-author of the 2012 New York Times bestseller News for All the People: The Epic Story of Race & the American Media. Friday, July 27, at 8:00pm – tickets are $25 ($10 low-income). The conference will also feature Hakim Bellamy, a nationally acclaimed performance poet, journalist and community organizer who will be performing Saturday night, July 28th – tickets are $15 ($7.50 low-income) sliding scale. Tickets can be purchased at www.grassrootsradioconference.org or at the IMC on the day of the events.

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CAPITALISM IS NOT IN CRISIS

Though many suffer, the crash of 2008 was not as system threatening as in 1929.

The financial turmoil of the past five years reminds many of the crash of 1929, which led into the Great Depression of the 1930s.  That depression threw millions out of work and forced millions more off their farms, both in Europe and in the United States.  It also bankrupted thousands in the business classes of Europe and the United States and dispossessed thousands from the remaining European aristocracy.  That crash resulted in a moderate rise in support for radical political movements plus a near total demoralization of the establishment forces.  Nobody could stomach defending capitalism in debate, it was a ghastly word.  Capitalism was defended of course, by the sword, and under the guise of other issues.

The aftermath of the crash of 2008 appears quite different.  The “Great Recession” has thrown millions out of work just like the Great Depression did, but the rigidity of generations of farming or working at a particular craft had already (all but) disappeared. Furthermore, though there is a lot of talk about ‘entitlement mentality’ from conservatives, they are clearly overstating. In 1929,  people lost occupations they felt entitled to out of an inheritance over generations. Today unemployment and instability/flux in careers is considered normal, at least by the majority of the population.  More often,  people don’t feel they are “entitled” to a job, and certainly not to a particular one.  Correspondingly, the sense of moral outrage on losing one’s job and home is also less.

But there is a bigger difference from the 1930s than this. While there is no doubt that many business and professional people all over the world lost a lot of money over the last few years, they have largely been protected—bailed out—from the kind of catastrophes that so many endured, or failed to endure back in the 1930s.  Today,  the top “one-percenters” and people among roughly the next ten percent of  the income distribution feel sufficiently secure to remain morally and politically invested in the current regimes.  So while there has been plenty of worry, there has been no mass panic and no mass demoralization in business and financial circles.  The ruling parties are a little embarrassed, opposition is greater than normal, there is a lot of protest, the situation provides little significant support for alternatives.

This has given rise to a series of disappointments for the left.  In Greece, anti-austerity socialists lost to establishment parties in an election considered as significant in Europe as the failed Wisconsin recall effort was in the United States.  In Egypt, the military has reestablished effective control and the left has to decide whether to celebrate or mourn the election victory of a “president” from an Islamic party.  The upcoming elections in Mexico will yield similar results.  While there is a great deal of discontent, there is little support for a militant alternative to the current order, and the current order continues to enjoy significant minority support.  In the upper and middle classes, in fact, it still enjoys majority support.

What about the left? Let us consider two distinct grouping– the militant left and the left counterculture.

The militant left has suffered defeat after defeat for forty years, with the partial but notable exception of a number of countries in South and Central America and perhaps Thailand.  This cannot be explained solely by bitter memories of Soviet “Communism.”  The main reason is that socialism appeals most to property-less but somewhat educated and at least semi-secure employees—the working class as it has typically been imagined.  That said, this group has never been a majority in any country and is currently a shrinking proportion in most.  In developed countries, many working people are also small property owners and may even participate in a pension fund: they are at least somewhat invested in capitalism.  More important by far, however, is that in many developing countries and increasingly in developed countries, a large proportion of people are casual laborers or petty entrepreneurs—small business without the glamour.  In countries like India or Mexico, it is considered a great privilege to be officially hired for a job.  It means an employer is willing to make a long-term commitment.  The majority of poor people have no official job at all.  This explains why, with all the migrants seeking jobs in the US, Mexico has never had an official unemployment rate of over 5%.  Most people are not officially in the labor force and so are not counted, but you can bet that they are working harder and suffering more than their officially employed and unionized counterparts.

Ironically, therefore, socialism has often come to appear as a movement of the partially privileged, both in the developed and in the developing world.  Unions and union struggles, social security, pensions, working conditions—all these are important issues for people who see themselves as employees for most of their lives.  For those, however, who see themselves as “self-employed” in petty business, petty crime or casual labor, these are all issues affecting only people more secure and privileged than they.  Unions and socialists are more likely to inspire resentment than sympathy.  Only the most militant type of communism involving mass redistribution of property and privilege is likely to appeal to this growing underclass, whose life style already includes the kind of violence and fear such communism threatens.  In short, traditional socialism has never had enough of a constituency, and year by year is losing more.

There is another part of the left that is largely untouched by the defeat of the militant left.  This is the counterculture left.  Here the strategy is not to “fight capitalism” so much as to “opt out.”  This is the left of alternative communities and alternative lifestyles, and it prefers moral critique and personal character development to political campaign and military combat.  Unlike the militant left, this counterculture left actually stands to grow under depression conditions.  As more and more people are separated from rewarding roles in the capitalist mainstream economy, they become available for/open to alternatives.  On the periphery of the plenty created by capitalism, these alternative lifestyles provide structure and meaning to people until perhaps a new boom brings them back into the mainstream.

There used to be a bumper-sticker that said something like ‘if you think capitalism is working, ask someone who isn’t.’  That reflects a major misunderstanding.  Capitalism works as much by excluding as by including people, and as many an executive of the last thirty years will tell you, there’s profit to be made in firing people–more than any other way.

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A Two Part Installment on the Proposed Keystone XL Pipeline Part One: Jobs and Security

After successful careers in such divergent fields as biochemistry & immunology (at UIUC and UT-Austin) and organizational development in corporate America, Marilyn Leger now travels the U.S., Caribbean and Europe by houseboat soaking up history, exploring cultures, sampling foods (and wines!) and, most importantly, getting to know people.  This has also given her the opportunity to study, research and write on environmental and political issues.

“Everyone is entitled to their own opinions, but they are not entitled to their own facts.” — Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan

In May 2012, TransCanada submitted a revised application for the Keystone XL pipeline.  They included some concessions to environmental concerns and left the majority of the proposal intact. The 1,700 mile-long pipeline would start in Alberta, Canada, and cross six U.S. states (Montana, South Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma and Texas) ending at Port Arthur and other export sites along the Gulf of Mexico.  It would add up to 35 million gallons of tar-sands oil per year to existing capacity. U.S. approval depends on establishing “national interest,” and consent from each of the affected states. State requirements go from almost non-existent to stringent.

TransCanada identifies two substantial benefits to implementation: economic stimulation and energy security–in other words, jobs, and oil from a friendly neighbor.  These benefits are (almost) all we hear about this issue. Many want to believe, want simple answers, but life is complex.  Let’s look at the claims more closely.

Jobs
The Perryman study contracted by TransCanada claimed the pipeline would generate 20,000 direct construction and manufacturing jobs with an investment of $7 billion. This study included all phases of the pipeline project including those already in place. It also stretches the term “direct” to a very imaginative limit.  Later, TransCanada offered the  more realistic range of 6,000 to 6,500.  This represents person-years of employment– a single job lasting two years is considered two jobs. Upon completion, approximately 20 permanent pipeline operation jobs would be created. The authors also claimed that concomitant lower gas prices would generate an additional 250,000 jobs long term.  They provide no foundation for this projection. These misleading numbers have been repeated ad infinitum, evidently under the belief that if you say something long enough it will become “truth.”

Cornell University’s Global Labor Institute (CUGL) presents a less glowing picture. Researchers determined that total investment would be closer to $3 to $4 billion creating only 2,500 to 4,650 construction jobs of one to two year duration. How about manufacturing jobs? Fifty percent more of the steel pipe needed has already been manufactured, in India, in anticipation of approval!

Not only are the job numbers inflated, jobs and production in other areas would be negatively affected during the pipeline construction. Construction disrupts the agricultural season by scraping, flattening, trenching and compacting the soil.  This would have to be remedied before crops could be replanted.  The situation would be particularly disadvantageous for organic farmers, many of whom would lose their certification because of potential risks, and all of whom would need extra time to restore their land through natural processes.

Investing in renewable and clean energy creates jobs.  For every $1 million invested, 16.7 jobs are created. By contrast, $1 million invested in fossil fuels generates 5.3 jobs. Another fossil fuel, Coal, currently provides 49 percent of the nation’s electricity, and employs about 80,000 people in mining. Wind currently generates 1 percent of the nation’s electricity, and it already employs about 85,000 people. For further evidence, Compare TransCanada’s numbers to projections for a one-year extension of a federal solar grant program: according the Solar Energy Industries Association, such an extension could create 37,000 jobs.  The number of Americans working in the solar industry has doubled since 2009 to 100,000. CUGL reports that the U.S. is now the world’s leading investor in renewable energy and leads in wind power generation.

Energy Security — Independence/Dependence

While there are multiple sources for energy, the dominant conversation has focused almost entirely on oil.  This fosters a sense of scarcity. Availability of energy from renewable sources has doubled since 2008, and with the approval of 29 onshore renewable energy projects — 16 solar projects, five wind farms and eight geothermal facilities — will continue to grow.

Turning our attention to non-renewables, what do we find? Canadian tar sands do contain 178 billion barrels of useable oil. Do we need it? A March 2012, White House report on energy highlights that:

  • Domestic oil production has increased over the last three years, in 2011 reaching its highest level since 2003 [while imports have been reduced] by 1 million barrels a day;
  • Since 2009 the U.S. has led the world in production of natural gas;
  • Overall oil consumption in the U.S. decreased over the last four years; and,
  • Fuel economy standards requiring 54.5 miles per gallon for automobiles by 2025 will continue to this reduction, as will investment to support [proposed] manufacture of one million plug-in hybrid and electric vehicles, research into use of natural gas for transportation, and establishing commercial bio-refineries.

Energy Security – Oil Dependence
Much has been made of our dependence on volatile (and often anti-U.S.) sources for oil. In reality, we currently get only 13% of our oil from Saudi Arabia and Iraq, and none from Iran. As far as threats go, military experts have warned that the Keystone XL pipeline perpetuates our dependence, and thus, our insecurity. The only way to reduce our reliance on volatile markets is to reduce our reliance on oil.

The fuel economy rules mentioned previously offer hope in this area. The required average of 54.5 miles per gallon would reduce U.S. dependence on oil by 1.7 million barrels per day. That’s twice what Keystone XL would carry at full capacity… [and] nearly 7 million barrels per day [could be saved] by 2030.

Dependence on oil also contributes to a much greater potential loss–the lost opportunities born of complacency and lack of growth.  Investing in Keystone XL ties us into tar-sands oil for the next 50 years. This large investment in construction and new technology requires the continued “feeding” of that technology to justify the cost of development. Continued investment also contributes to a complacency about oil supplies and relieves the sense of urgency on the part of the public and the government to develop alternative, renewable sources of energy. Approving the pipeline would not spell the end for development of renewable energy sources, however, it would exact a costly toll. The pipeline is a “conduit to the past.”

Energy Security — Export
Some alarmists say, “If we don’t take the oil, it will be shipped to China.”   Though there is a contingency plan for such a scenario, it is not a plan that can be quickly implemented and it would be politically and economically costly for all concerned. Having said that, Gulf coast refineries are focused on expanding their export markets. With the combination of stable to reduced oil demand plus increased domestic production from shale oil and Canadian oil flowing in through two recent pipelines, U.S. producers are experiencing a glut. Under the proposed plan, Texas-based Valero Energy Corporation has locked in at least 20% of the pipeline’s capacity with an explicit strategy on export. Valero’s refinery is in a Foreign Trade Zone, and thus, its exports are tax-free. Valero is only one of six companies with long-term, binding agreements with TransCanada. In truth, the oil market is a global market.  Price hikes are due more to increasing demand in lesser-developed countries than to restrictions in availability.  Further, supplies of oil anywhere affect supplies everywhere. Other than transportation, it doesn’t matter where tar sands oil ends up.  The only way to reduce dependence on imported oil is to reduce dependence on all oil. Given all of this, concerns over where the oil might go appear to be a red herring.

The Next Installment: Environmental Issues

Concerns about jobs and energy security are only part of the picture.  No one in the government nor at TransCanada has sufficiently addressed issues about the environment except to give unsubstantiated assurances that there is no impact expected.  We’ll explore those questions in the next installment.

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New Generation of Argentine Cooperatives for development and real democracy: The Case of Initia

 Arnaldo T. Soltermann is Development Laboratory Director, for the Chemistry Department, Rio Cuarto National University. Republic Argentina. He is also President of Initia Workers Cooperative of Argentina. Professor Soltermann is currently on a short visit to the Chemistry Department at UIUC to engage in research (from May to September).

“Cooperatives are a reminder to the international community that it is possible to pursue both economic viability   and social responsibility.” United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.

The General Assembly of the United Nations declared 2012 as the International Year of Cooperatives to raise awareness about their importance, promote expansion of the model, and to establish proper cooperatives’ creation and development policies. US co-operators made history on May 4th of 2012 when 150 of their leaders from across the country attended a national briefing at the White House. It was the first-time such a wide ranging number of co-op leaders had attended an event of its kind.

Cooperatives are autonomous associations of persons united voluntarily to meet shared economic, social and cultural needs and aspirations through a jointly and democratically controlled enterprise. Each cooperative is a company, as it is an organized entity that operates in the market, however, the aforementioned features differentiate cooperatives from other types of organizations and companies controlled by capital or the government. Furthermore, organizing principles include: self-help, democracy, equality, equity and solidarity — have proved to reduce poverty, create jobs and promote social integration.

Cooperatives employ over 100 million people worldwide and the 300 most important cooperatives generated over 1.1 billion dollars during 2008. The cooperative agricultural movement emerged in Argentina by late nineteenth century, as a result of the association between European immigrants arriving to the country to work and produce food to export to Europe, in need for an increasing amount of food as a consequence of the industrial revolution. Some of them still exist today and are more than hundred years old. In Argentina today, there are more than 9.3 million coop members distributed across14,000 associations. In recognition of their significant role, The Argentina National Agricultural Technology Institute, noted that, “cooperatives linked to the agricultural sector will play a leading role in the technological change in Argentina.”

Evolution of the Argentine Cooperative System
During the last few years a new generation of Argentine cooperatives has begun to emerge. According to specialists, cooperatives “traditionally played a key role in primary production to benefit the producer, but a new generation of cooperatives are also progressing to transform the primary product and bring it closer to the market.” Aside from adding value to the product, these “new generation” associations draw upon a modern outline of capitalization of profits with an effective return of 50 percent at the end of the annual cycle. In addition, they generate indirect economic and social benefits such as comprehensive territorial development on site that helps increase the demand for labor employment, education, and infrastructure of towns and cities within the country and improve the quality of life of residents. The increasing number of producers and cooperatives adding value to their products, translates into increases in regional resources. This can help prevent generational flight to big cities and favor local development in an environmental sustainability and social equity scenario.

The Inter-Cooperative Agricultural Confederation indicates that there are over 500,000 people depending directly on the agricultural cooperative system; expanding from small communities, where they operate directly, to the shelves of supermarkets and seaports. In turn they account for over 1.7 million dollars per year; exports exceed 0.7 billion dollars and contribute to six percent of the gross domestic product. Agricultural cooperatives not only play an important role in the production and distribution of food but also enforce the food security of nations.

A Case in Point: Initia
Waste from oil industries presents a number of problems in Argentina including storage and potential pollution. Its productive use could enhance the existing oil industry, solving at the same time the environmental problem.  In 1999 at the Chemistry Department of Universidad Nacional de Rio Cuarto (UNRC), Argentina established the Development Laboratory to explore a variety of scientific, commercial, and social issues. This interdisciplinary research group began its work by analyzing the technical and economic possibilities of establishing an oleo chemical development centre-an oil-waste repurposing system, in the southern province of Cordoba. The group identified advanced production technologies to handle this waste that also result in production of added value products (Vitamin E, fatty acids, liquid soap, etc.) using as feedstock oilseed industry waste. The industrial processes were supported by original, well-proved scientific and technological development combined with a respective business plan and a patent application.

The liquid soaps that are produced in the waste-repurposing process could provide a cheap source of cleaners for purchase by public sector organizations focused on the health of vulnerable populations. In fact, negotiations with government agencies regarding this use have begun. Another residual of the processing, tocopherol acetate (Vitamin E) can be useful in several industries. The business plan included plants which would have a strong  production capacity, and would be easily replicable with relatively low initial investment.

In 2011, ten individuals including myself and some other members of the Development lab decided to launch Initia, an autonomous, technology-based worker cooperative. We  decided upon an organizational form based on principles of Cooperative Capital. We bring together our different skills and abilities to carry out shared objectives. We expect that our  connections with the university and the community will allow for significant impact on the local economy and on the local university culture (that is sometimes reluctant to participate in specific production processes). Our journey from research to market has given us new ways of thinking about interconnections and possibilities across multiple arenas.

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U of I Adds Insult to Injury and AFSCME Fights Back

by K. D. Swan

AFSCME Local 698 (technical) and 3700 (clerical) employees at UIUC represent more than 1,500 who have worked without a contract since last August.  Contract talks have dragged nearly a year.  The management bargaining team’s typical responses include only repeating “no” and spouting redundant inanities.  The management team often declares their need to consult outside “decision makers”; it is curious why these experts are not at the table. Frequently these consults are not actually made so contract issues are deferred.  Management’s communication has become increasingly passive-aggressive.

Recently management suggested mediation; AFSCME’s response was that additional negotiation meetings were needed before mediation would be appropriate.  AFSCME is still moving forward on management requests and economic counter proposals.  As management seems focused on mediation, it is a distraction to working negotiations. Both sides are frustrated but management needs to put due diligence into the process, to improve communications, and to show respect.

Management repeats these mantras as offers: “we are broke” and “campus wage program.”  Their intent is that AFSCME rate increases should match all other campus employee increases and contracts.  This matching may save administration time and money but it contradicts the nature and intent of contract bargaining.  Additionally, union workers’ contracts are often all that pushes administration to give any raise at all to non-union workers.  One example of a benefit fought and won by unions later extended to non-union employees was parking rates based on income levels.  Unions on this campus are all that prevents the administration from grabbing an ever-larger portion of the resource pie.

Overall, management’s negotiation tactics with AFSCME are similar to contract talks with other unions.  As negotiations continue, management stalls, slows responses, and consults often with outsiders.  Negotiations have become more negative. Many on union teams note management is less efficient, less respectful, and far less professional.  The current University Corporation is more interested in dissolving unions, in reducing the power of contract rights and negotiation authority, than in working fairly and collaboratively. Management does not want union employees to have an equal seat at the table.  They have a bias against unions and their members.  This is demonstrated frequently in contract talks by management’s words and behaviors.  It is difficult to come to agreement when one side is using unprofessional tricks and insulting communication.

 

 

Employees are long overdue for wage increases, improvement in their work conditions, and fair contracts.  Local 698 has been without a contracted base increase for several years, having received only sign-on bonuses without addition to their salary base.  The majority of these employees do not earn the national average income.  Management insists they do not have a budget sufficient to afford adjustments or base increases for the lowest paid employees.  In the first year, management insists on a small across the board increase with many strings attached to deny many employees other earned and contracted increases, yet management has given double-digit raises to many on the management team for taking on additional duties.  Many AFSCME employees have taken on additional duties yet there have been no increases. Their units have merged, they have taken on more work, their co-workers have retired and they were still expected to do more with less.

It ought not to be surprising that AFSCME members not trust this administration when there is a double standard, one for administrators themselves and one for union employees.

AFSCME members do not believe that the University cannot afford fair increases for the lowest paid employees. Management refuses to give comparable market wages to some, they refuse to give professional credentials to others, and they refuse to give our members longevity increases earned by others.  They also refuse to increase starting rates which are too low compared to current outside market rates.

Over the last few months, members have voiced their concern in two rallies.  The first was in reaction to management not showing up for scheduled negotiations.  This was a visible show of disrespect to the process and to employees.   This “misunderstanding” on management’s part occurred as AFSCME attempted to counter the university’s insulting economic offers for employees.  AFSCME held a second rally June 18 in direct response to management’s continued stalling and “say no” tactics.  Management is not negotiating but delaying, procrastinating and refusing to provide information.  They use verbal harangues during negotiations to distract from the process and their responsibilities.  Some members of the management team have demonstrated a pattern of arriving late and leaving early, with some barely attending even as their issues are on the table. This is disrespectful to the process and to the AFSCME team. It shows that management is not taking talks seriously.

Management’s offers to AFSCME employees have been pitiful in contrast to administrators’ pay that continues to climb.  Tens of thousands have been given for individual administrator increases.  In the past, there were several generous severance agreements given to inept or even corrupt administrators. Such decisions are insulting to union employees as management insists the university cannot afford more than paltry increases for them, even after so much has been thrown at corruption and repeated administrative mistakes. Management respects ex-President Hogan’s need for a robust contract as he leaves in disgrace, yet they take advantage of AFSCME workers’ long and diligent work record for the university.

Still the management team reminds AFSCME that administration and faculty are quite different from the common worker, that the elites’ reputation requires superior rewards.  AFSCME responds that a stellar faculty and administration requires a superior staff, and that UIUC’s staff is just that.  This support staff, the front line employees, possess superior skills, experience, and often higher education that command much more than management is offering them.  Management can afford to pay off corruption and disgraced administrators; why can’t they pay their dedicated workforce fairly?  This superior AFSCME staff deserves respect and income security; they have sacrificed for the university long enough.

AFSCME employees work diligently for their non-extravagant salaries; they will not receive ultra- comfortable pensions and they will not receive social security. Moreover, the state is daily attacking their retirement security and benefits. AFSCME has presented salary comparisons for classifications that management simply ignored, despite requesting them.  It is ironic that management continues to cite “superior benefits” of the university as justification for the low salaries for Local 698 workers.

Management recently told the AFSCME contract team that the university “could not afford to subsidize the longevity increases of its aging workforce” in reference to AFSCME employees.  Yet they are able to afford increases for an aging faculty and administration. Why are much lower paid union members facing disrespect and discriminatory treatment? Administrators are the university’s version of the 1%.  Management is in essence saying to the AFSCME contract team “just let them eat cake.”

AFSCME employees have been insulted and they are justifiably angry.  They will make sure the administration hears their voices and sees their indignation. They want bread and roses.  The administration can have their cake; just make sure it is devil’s food.

 

K.D.  Swan

AFSCME negotiating team member

Local 698 website manager & steward for library employee group

Local 698 Website: https://sites.google.com/site/local698afscme/

 

 

 

 

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The End of the European Union?

Rick Esbenshade

May 9 is officially proclaimed as “Europe Day” by the European Union (EU)—an official, symbolic holiday ignored by most Europeans. This year, any celebration was overshadowed by the May 6 election results in France and Greece, in which citizens
resoundingly rejected the austerity orthodoxy of EU institutions. Instead of a unified front, Europe is facing dissension and uncertainty as more and more question the benefits of EU membership and the Euro currency zone faces the possibility of breakup. Has the economic crisis, which even mainstream economists and press are calling a “double-dip” recession, produced a new paradigm? Will citizens and their national governments take back power from the faceless ‘Eurocrats,’ whose decrees from Brussels have impoverished Europeans from Valencia to Vilnius, producing official unemployment rates of 10-25% (effectively even higher)? Furthermore, what relevance does this turmoil have for us in the US?

As one might expect for an agglomeration of 27 countries and even more languages, ethnicities, histories and world views, prospects for a clear path forward are muddied by conflicts. The aforementioned elections highlighted the rise of what the mainstream media labels “populist” or “extremist” forces; perhaps the most visible of these polarities lie between the Left and Right, West and East, and immigrant and ‘native’ divisions.

GreekCrisis

(Caption: The Greek crisis and Merkel and the IMF “to the rescue”)

In Greece, two establishment parties—the New Democracy (ND) and the Socialist Party (PASOK)—have traded off power for the last several decades. But votes for these two parties together failed to match the total for four upstart parties who all oppose the crippling debt payments and austerity program forced by Germany and the European Central Bank: the leftist Syriza coalition; the Communist Party (KKE); the Golden Dawn (Chrysi Avgi), an extreme nationalist party usually labeled ‘neo-fascist’; and the Democratic Left (DIMAR), a Syriza split-off. This result has made it highly unlikely that a new majority government can be formed, forcing new elections on June 17. The possibility of a Greek default on its debt and consequent exit from the Euro zone, is roiling financial markets and EU institutions.

GreekBoy

(Caption: Facing down riot police during Greek general strike)

In the recent French Presidential elections, the runoff system practically ensured that one of the two major candidates, incumbent Nicolas Sarkozy of the center-right Union for a
Popular Movement, and the Socialist Party’s challenger Francois Hollande, would win. Nevertheless, the first-round showing of the National Front of Marine Le Pen (18%)—a nationalist party long prominent for its anti-immigrant stance and recently for concentrating its ire on the EU establishment, shook up the political landscape. In addition, the strongly anti-austerity Left Front of Jean-Luc Melanchon (11%), which opposes the EU fiscal treaty, probably pushed President-elect Hollande to espouse a stiffer anti-austerity stance. But according to longtime correspondent Diana Johnstone on the Counterpunch website, “There is no more [a] real President of France”—the international bond markets and the straitjacket of EU rules and agreements will allow him, at best, token moves towards growth and job creation.

The deep and longstanding European cultural divide between Left and Right—and, politically, the issue of immigration policy—seems to preclude any short-term prospects of an alliance between, say, the French Left and National Fronts to overthrow the establishment and make a radical change. However, the financial crisis and the losses of
establishment parties across the continent in favor of radical critics and their political vehicles also seems unlikely to allow  for ‘business as usual.’ Just two weeks before these election results, the Dutch government fell when Geert Wilders of the anti-Euro, anti-austerity and anti-immigrant Freedom Party pulled out of talks on an austerity
budget. New elections will be held in September. London Newspaper The Guardian lists ten Euro zone governments that have failed in the last year. In addition to the Greek and Dutch, these include Ireland, Finland, Portugal, Slovenia, Slovakia, Italy, Spain, and Romania.

Beyond the restrictive possibilities of electoral politics, mass popular movements and mobilizations have begun to shift from protests to alternative visions. In Prague on April 21, citizens came together to assail a governing coalition discredited by austerity measures and simultaneous corruption scandals with banners that read “Stop
Thieves!” This demonstration was the largest seen in the Czech Republic since the ‘Velvet Revolution’ that overthrew the hard-line Communist regime in 1989. In Spain, where official unemployment is the highest in the Euro zone at 25%, and youth unemployment over twice that, the movement of the “indignados” (Indignant Ones) has been building for the past year. They brought over 100,000 to the streets of major cities in mid-May. Increasing repression of the movement by the state, including serious injuries when police fired rubber bullets at demonstrators supporting a March 29 general strike in Barcelona, and the sense of the fragility of Spanish democracy (the 40-year Franco dictatorship only ended in 1975) have spawned a conviction that citizens’ rights cannot be taken for granted but must be fought for. The group “Derecho de Rebelión” (Right to Rebellion) has produced a “manual of economic disobedience,” calling for local control of financial affairs, ‘time banks’ and cooperatives, and “tax resistance, self-organization of debtors and bankruptcy as a form of action” (see www.derechoderebelion.net/version-imprimir/english-version/).

indignados

(Caption: Indignados during a general strike)

In Eastern Europe, philosophies of the Left are still shadowed by four decades of Communist authoritarian rule that ended in 1989. Parties nominally ‘on the left’ have been the most enthusiastic backers of the ‘Europeanization project,’ with its massive privatization, impoverishment, and opening up of national economies to domination by
West European multinationals and banks. In this context, so-called ‘hard Right’ parties, like the Jobbik in Hungary, have been the only avenue for anti-EU expression (see “‘Hungarian Tea Party’ or ‘Occupy Brussels’”? in the Public I, December 2011). In large part, these formations are characterized by extreme nationalism and anti-immigrant, anti-Roma (Gypsy), anti-Semitic and anti-gay sentiment, as well as evocations of pre-World War II fascist parties. But the West European Right has been honing its anti-EU rhetoric, heralding a possible closing of this East-West gap. As Johnstone points out, Le Pen, while at the head of a party her father made famous for its anti-Muslim immigrant slurs, advocates immediate withdrawal from Afghanistan and the establishment of a Palestinian state. Her ‘victory’ statement after the first election round that “All of us, together, have blown apart the monopoly of the two parties of the banks, of finance, of multinationals, of giving up, of abandonment” would not seem out of place at an Occupy rally.

Generacion nini

(Caption: “Generation nothing: no work, health, education or rights”—Spain)

So where does this leave Europe, Europeans and those of us watching from the United States hoping for an anti-austerity, pro-popular turn? Prospects seem exciting but unpredictable, to say the least. The contradictions of the Ron Paul campaign, with its focus on anti-intervention abroad and ties to racist groups at home, somewhat echo the confusion of the European left-right scale. However, as Guardian commentator Ian Traynor pointed out, populists “From Hungary to Sweden, Finland to Greece” are all “to the left of European social democracy in supporting generous welfare states, early retirement ages, pensions—a strong state munificent in its public spending.” This combination between xenophobia and support for ‘big government’ seems jarring to American ears. Johnstone has coined the striking slogan “Anti-fascism kills democracy” to express how any opposition to the rule of banks and finance capital is christened “populism” and dismissed as a “step towards fascism.” Perhaps our categories, as well as our politics, need to be expanded.

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Close Tamms Supermax Prison

 

Belden Fields

A considerable number of the prisoners fell, after even a short confinement, into a semi-fatuous condition, from which it was next to impossible to arouse them, and others became violently insane; others still, committed suicide; while those who stood the ordeal better were not generally reformed, and in most cases did not recover sufficient mental activity to be of any subsequent service to the community.” Supreme Court Judge Samuel Freeman Miller, writing about solitary confinement, in Medley Petitioner 134 U.S. 1690 (1890)

In his Champaign-Urbana News-Gazette commentary of April 1, George Welborn, the first warden at Tamms Supermax Prison, argues that Governor Quinn’s decision to close the prison was driven by politics.  More precisely, he claims that the governor is trying to please “his Chicago constituency groups” and cites a number of groups defending civil and human rights that have offices in Chicago.

I cannot say how the governor weighed economic and human rights concerns.  But I can say that there are serious human rights violations going on when prisoners are held in 24-hour isolation, some since the prison was opened fourteen years ago. The prisoners do not even see those who bring their meals, which are shoved through holes in the steel doors of their 7X12-foot cells.

When such supermax institutions were created in the 1980s and 1990s, the claim was made that only the “worst of the worst” who threatened or committed physical harm to guards and other prisoners would be put into them.  Research has shown that in some cases just irritating a guard can get one a transfer to a supermax institution.

The most important consideration is the psychological damage done to people who are placed in these conditions, some of whom already have undiagnosed and untreated mental illness.  Dr. Terry Kupers, a psychiatrist who specializes in the effects of solitary confinement, found serious mental illness among prisoners in Mississippi’s Unit 32 in Parchman.  These manifested themselves in hallucination, throwing of feces, and howling at night.  There have been instances of suicide, attempted suicide, and self-castration.  Christopher Epps, Mississippi’s commissioner of corrections and president-elect of the American Correctional Association, at first was a strong supporter of such confinement.  “That was the culture, and I was part of it,” he says.  But based upon many years of experience with it in Mississippi, he now strongly opposes it: “If you treat people like animals, that’s exactly the way they’ll behave.” (New York Times, March 10, 2012).  And  some of these people will someday be released out into the public, made all the more dangerous by their confinement.

No other Western nation uses such isolation for such long periods and it has deservedly cost us internationally. Last month the U.N. special investigative rapporteur on torture and cruel and unusual punishment pressed the U.N’s Human Rights Council to take up the issue of round-the-clock isolation from all human contact as a cruel and inhumane form of torture.  In 2010, the European Court of Human Rights prevented four terrorism suspects from being deported from Britain to the U.S. because of the conditions in the federal supermax prison in Florence, Colorado, where the accused terrorists might have ended up.

So, Mr. Welborn, while it must be difficult for you to accept the fact that the institution that you headed was engaged in inhumane activity, it is not the case that only human rights organizations in Chicago think that this is so.  Some of us downstate agree, the president-elect of the American Correctional Association who had previously been a strong proponent now thinks so, psychiatrists and psychologists think so, and people in the international community think so.

Justice Miller had it right way back in 1890.  It is you sir, not the governor, who has tried to make this into a politically partisan issue.

(This article was previously published as a commentary in the News-Gazette and in Springfield’s State Journal-Register.)

 

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Scott Walker protest in Springfield

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Wherefore Cultural Centers at UIUC? A New Way Forward

On February 20, 1969, J.W. Peltason, the first Chancellor of the University of Illinois at Urbana (UIUC) and the Faculty Senate began the process to establish the Black Cultural Program-commonly referred to as the Black Cultural Center. Three major factors motivated this action:

1. A Mass arrest of black students (many from Chicago) and Urbana-Champaign stakeholders at the Illini Union;

2. Intense political pressure for such a center coming from the Black Student Association, black law students, and white students; and,

3. Realization by Chancellor Peltason that one major impediment to implementing his educational opportunities initiative for the “disadvantaged” (commonly referred to as “Project 500”) was recreational rather than academic in nature.

The Chancellor’s negotiators “agreed in principal to the establishment of a cultural center, provided it was a supportive unit of the Special Educational Opportunities Program.” On the other hand, numerous individuals argued that any Black Cultural Center should serve all students and stakeholders. Conflict between these political positions made for a lack of clarity with respect to the purpose of the proposed center. This was a common problem in colleges and universities across the United States where cultural centers were established without the benefit of empirical analysis.

The murky vision was perpetuated through cultural and structural factors in the history of the Center. Establishing the Black Cultural Center at UIUC as, primarily, a support for the 500 Project meant that it would fall under the aegis of Student Services-now Student Affairs. This translated into a blurring of academic and support functions that, while not inherently problematic, tended toward inconsistent integration of both. At the outset, Center directors designed programs and activities informed by a Black Cultural Nationalist and Pan Africanist perspective. These perspectives were new to those embedded within the mainstream academic cultural arena. Well-meaning administrators did not understand these perspectives and so programming oversight was idiosyncratic to each subsequent director. This,  coupled with campus leaders’ perceptions that the Black Cultural Center was a temporary and peripheral (read palliative) program, translated into neglect. The Chancellor’s Office spent little time or effort to develop and sustain meaningful  capacity for the Center; whether that be in the form of mission, unit location in the institutional/organizational structure, or facilities.

When the fifth Center director, Robert Ray, resigned in 1973, he wrote:

“The problem of a [lack o] clearly defined purpose has been singularly the most distressing problem of my two-year tenure as director, and I suspect of each of the other directors. There is no clearly defined relationship between this program and any other administrative unit on campus.”

Thirty-nine years later, this problem remains-though it has become even more diverse. Most student affairs units are modeled on the Black Cultural Program – that is, they are idiosyncratic and left, for the most part, to sink or swim without direction from UIUC administration. There are currently two “Resource” units, and six additional units identified as Cultural Programs:

1. The Bruce D. Nesbitt African-American Cultural Center (formerly designated to be named the Edgar Hoults Black Cultural Center);

2. The Women’s Resource Center;

3. The Native American House;

4. The Asian American Cultural Center;

5. Japan House;

6. LaCasa Cultural Latina;

7. The Hillel Foundation; and,

8. The Office of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Resource Center.

An additional program, The Cosmopolitan Multicultural House, was recently closed.

Campus administrators have recently budgeted a whopping $210,000 to assess the architectural feasibility of designing a building in which the aforementioned Student Affairs’ programs can be housed together while maintaining each unit’s autonomy. The financial rationale for moving the units into a combined space is sound, it would be cheaper than establishing a new building for each unit. This would also fit right in with the university’s current efforts at downsizing (on the quiet). However, there are many non-fiscal questions that should be addressed. For example:

1. Cultural recreation remains a critical ingredient for successful recruitment and retention of all students. Further, students and stakeholders are known to self-segregate when it comes to recreational activities. Does bringing together groups that have historical and current tensions accelerate flight from programs (and the institution as a whole)?

2. Housing programs with murky and diverse conceptual foundations together may lead to segmented programming. Will this result in costly activity duplication and scheduling issues?

3. The North garage on University and Goodwin has had space available since 2004. Understandably, administrators have been waiting for a paying tenant. There are likely other unused spaces across the campus. Given this, are we currently utilizing space in an effective and efficient manner?

These (and other) questions highlight a need for further reflection before any decisions are made. What should administrators do now? First, perhaps they should revisit the current space availabilities. Second, as recommended by the UIUC Faculty Senate, the administration should not combine academic and support units. In fact, if the administration were to relocate the ethnic and women’s studies programs in a “brownstone” design, this would bring academic units together without sacrificing their autonomy. Organizational isolation and conflict would be significantly reduced. Inter-disciplinary collaboration could also occur more naturally-something for which the university has been calling for years. Take, for example, relations between black studies and women’s studies. Education scholar Johnella E. Butler writes:

“Black studies and women’s studies have clear affinities. Both enterprises have strong roots in movements for social change; both cement the connections between theory and practice, between the academy and the world. Black studies and women’s studies offer definitions and critiques of culture, analyses of oppression and, as inter-disciplinary undertakings, challenge the traditional compartmentalization of knowledge.”

Third, for a change, appropriately conceptualize each unit under Student Affairs supervision. Administrators have operated under the premise that these units are extras for students. This is in conflict with Chancellor Peltason’s original mandate that such programs should also serve the Urbana-Champaign community as part of the university’s public service responsibilities (though Cultural Center staff have consistently worked to develop programs that serve all stakeholders). This isn’t mission creep, it’s a creepy mission.

Chancellor Wise should move to incorporate cultural and resource programs into the university in ways that are aligned with the mission of the university. Administrators can then boast that they are good stewards of donor and taxpayer money in these financially and legally challenging times. This would also ensure the longevity of these programs. There is no doubt that the footprint of the academy must become smaller and resources (including human ones) be repurposed. Taxpayers are aware that there is a growing and disturbing prosperity gap in Illinois. They want our universities to be the light in the tunnel. So, I say to the administration, “lead the way.” In order to do that effectively, all stakeholders-especially administrators, must seriously consider new ideas.

 

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WOMANSPEAK | Feminist Poetry and Poetics

R A C H E L   L A U R E N   S T O R M

The Gendering of Cotacachi

 

With each fragmented patch of earth,

that Andean sun-god catches her step

until she is falling beneath the dung,

toward the mud fence at the foot of

her curves; this mountain her homeland.

 

A mother, that hushed story-teller,

whispered to wide-eyed babes,

the aged myths of the mountain.

Mass of sullen earth had appeared

to dreaming men as woman, blonde

and pigeon-toed; her deformities most

captivating to those sleeping groins.

 

Speculum

Come rest heavy hips, 
spread-eagled, sighing, 
cushioned both under, 
while your plastic sweat 
drips down metal rims.

Come open your legs dear,
so the doctor can see,
where pink skin drapes and moves,
under wooded crowns where
leaves gasp- like you had when,
he’d been river through you.

Come breathe deeply while we prod, 
fingers in silken sea waves
inching forward even now, 
though your dress lies in a pile, 
like a still bird from your womb
and my ear by your belly
can hear its whistle and purr.

Come tighten your thumbs and respire, 
as my palms consider your breasts, 
and tire from this young voyage, 
toward my pockets lined and buried 
amid the nickels and your name, 
If only it weren’t a crime, 
to look longingly at open thighs
deep and wide and beg that tremble.

 

V I C T O R I A   T H O M P S O N

Love letter to Troy 

Dove,

you mistake me.
I am not kind.
I will not
crawl amid the river reeds 
to pull you
white winged and wet 
from the bloated waters.

I am not kind.
All of your feathers 
will pull away,
edge off,
like pebbles spilled from bluffs.

Speaking of Helen 


Listen, what I want to say is I’ve seen 
long necked swans on swollen rivers
that have broken the arms of men.

And I’ve heard tell of Romans, who dropped
lead pearls into their bowls of wine.
Not because they didn’t know the look of death
but because they liked the taste of it.

Listen, what I mean to say is that beauty
is not the truth you’re looking for.
That Helen has always had a hollow heart
And that you, little dove, do not.

 

T I F F A N Y   B O W D E N

 

. . . For a Dark Skinned Girl

 

He said: You’re pretty cute

. . . for a dark skinned girl

And I almost smiled

And ran to the nearest mirror to take in the moment,

But it had come to me as loaded as a revolver pointed

square at my face.

 

My beauty had been qualified by a brother within my

own race

Who stopped to pay tribute once he had gotten close

enough to my face to distinguish my features

I had blended in with the darkness of the room so he

had to get close, just to be sure.

And when he did, he smiled.

And I almost smiled back

But I knew I had failed.

And I wanted to take the brown paper bag that he had

tested me with from his mind

And hyperventilate in it as the room closed in around

me.

 

And I watched as he invited the girl whose skin

reminded me of carefully churned butter

To dance.

And as her hair swung hypnotically above her waist

line,

I know he fantasized about how pretty their children

would be.

How pretty and curly their children’s hair would be.

Their “good” hair

With skin like sweet caramel.

They proceeded,

 

Careful not to pass down anymore melanin than was

absolutely unavoidable

As a matter of selective evolution.

 

But even so,

He looked back at me and smiled.

And I almost smiled back

But I couldn’t get over the question:

With admirers like you, who needs oppressors?

Caught up in music video fantasies

Where ethnicity + mystery = commodity and anything

but me.

And I knew that if I could have looked a little more

Dominican

A little more Indian

A little more Puerto Rican or

Anything else but like a little dark skinned girl,

 

I would have held his attention.

And he wasn’t so bad. Wasn’t so arrogant, for a light

skinned boy.

And did I mention I almost smiled?

Because I did

But my bliss was broken by the tint of my skin.

And I couldn’t figure out if I was too much of a

bitch

Or not enough hoe

To be simply greeted as a woman,

A beautiful woman just for a woman’s sake.

Not to be trapped in the “dark skinned box.”

Couldn’t help wondering if I was just a jigaboo with

a nicely chosen lipgloss.

 

 

B R I A N N A  W A L K E R

 

A Five-Figure Wedding

 

A five-figure wedding, a drama of romance.

Three different forks, two knives and a spoon

for every guest. It will not do to eat with just one fork.

Here are the evenly spaced place settings,

here is the dove cage, ready for release,

here are the crystals of champagne,

dripping cold as the bride and groom.

A forest wedding, their marital dreams.

Crystals and candles and rings of gold.

‘More wine!’ he snarls as I take away his plate,

and I nod, clinical and sober with a smile to boot.

 

A blessed break, some time to sit.

Across the wood a song sparrow sings–

Song sparrow, song sparrow, teach me how to sing,

sing a song for working women, sing a song for me.

Fly to the tree stump where I sift the dying earth.

I came here once and planted my corn,

row after row of raging, vital corn.

But this was so many years ago even I cannot remember.

And now the stalks have wilted

and the earth is acidic as a stomach knot.

No life has grown here in years,

and the sparrow’s song is lost among the doves.

 

The doves in a row like bleached teeth

in the salivating earth. Their coos and caws

around me like an old damp cloak.

Shoo doves, shoo. Make room for the sparrow’s song.

I want it between my fingers, I want it in my hair,

I want fertile ground, I want to plant my corn,

but I must pour your wine, bride and groom.

Your wedding has spread over the fertile ground like a veil.

Lift for the kiss, spread it with mulch.

Try and try, but corn will never grow here again.

Posted in Arts, Women | Comments Off on WOMANSPEAK | Feminist Poetry and Poetics

Proposed Coal Mine Raises Questions About Drinking Water and Salt Fork River

Press Release from Prairie Rivers Network

Stakeholders and Residents Invited to Public Meeting May 23rd, 7:00 pm at Homer Lake’s Salt Fork Center to Discuss Concerns

Homer, IL – Representatives of Champaign and Vermilion county residents, including stakeholders along the Salt Fork of the Vermilion River, held a press conference today to highlight questions that have been raised in response to media reports that the Village of Homer is negotiating a deal with an out of state coal company to provide water for a proposed coal mine.

Questions have been swirling since media reports surfaced last month suggesting that Sunrise Coal of Terre Haute, Indiana is seeking a deal to purchase water for use in coal processing from the Village of Homer – including water from its drinking water wells near Ogden, or  from the Salt Fork River.

“The Salt Fork is a beautiful natural resource in the backyard of our community.  It is a rich and diverse sanctuary for wildlife,” explained Sue Smith, local farmer and Salt Fork resident. “Our family has grown up along this river system for generations, appreciating and enjoying its natural beauty.  We canoe, kayak, hunt, fish, and bird watch in and along its banks from the Saline Branch at Crystal Lake Park in Urbana to the Vermilion River in Danville.”

Speakers also raised concerns about the mine’s proposal to discharge mine wastewater into Olive Branch, which is a tributary of the Salt Fork River.  This has the potential for adding sediments and pollutants such as heavy metals and salts into waters now used for drinking water supplies, fish and wildlife habitat, recreation and livestock watering.

“In the last three years, one-third of Illinois coal mines have been out of compliance with their water discharge permit for over one year or more, so there is serious concern that if this coal mine is approved, the Olive Branch and Salt Fork will bear the burden of increased coal mine pollutants, including chlorides and sulfates as well as heavy metals such as arsenic, lead, mercury and selenium”, explained Traci Barkley, Water Resource Scientist with Prairie Rivers Network. Prairie Rivers Network is a statewide nonprofit that advocates for the protection of Illinois’ rivers and streams.

“We must be able to protect our communities and our resource base.  We need transparency based on timely and accurate information from the officials we’ve chosen to serve us and from companies that want to do business here,” said Charles Goodall, a Vermilion County farmer and landowner. “We must put behind us the days when we are ambushed by mining companies.”

To address these concerns, the speakers announced a that public informational meeting hosted by Prairie Rivers Network will be held on Wednesday, May 23rd, 2012 at 7:00 pm at the Salt Fork Center at Homer Lake.

“We urge the village leadership as well as all our local stakeholders and decision makers  to seek full disclosure of the risks, and seek guarantees to maintain and enhance the quality of our lives in our community,” said Peter Kuchinke, a Salt Fork landowner and resident.

Local residents, farmers, landowners,  anglers, paddlers are invited to discuss concerns they have about the implications these proposals may have on drinking water availability, as well as the lasting ecological health of the Salt Fork River. The goal is to have an open and transparent discussion, voice shared concerns, and obtain answers to questions to protect the Salt Fork River, as well as a sustainable future for our rural Champaign and Vermilion County communities.

 

Posted in Environment | Comments Off on Proposed Coal Mine Raises Questions About Drinking Water and Salt Fork River

Argentina’s Critics Get It Wrong Again

Mark Weisbrot


This article was published in The Guardian (UK) on April 18, 2012 (www.guardian.co.uk./commentsfree/cifamerica/2012/april/18/argentina-critics-0il-nationalize)

 

The Argentine government’s decision to re-nationalize its formerly state-owned oil and gas company, YPF, has been greeted with howls of outrage, threats, forecasts of rage and ruin, and a rude bit of name-calling in the international press.

We have heard all this before. When the Argentine government defaulted on its debt at the end of 2001, then devalued its currency a few weeks later, it was all gloom and doom in the media. The devaluation would cause inflation to spin out of control, the country would face balance of payments crises from not being able to borrow, the economy would spiral downward into deeper recession.

Nine years later, Argentina’s real GDP has grown by about 90 percent, the fastest in the hemisphere. Employment is at record levels, and both poverty and extreme poverty have been reduced by two-thirds. Social spending, adjusted for inflation, has nearly tripled.

All this is probably why Cristina Kirchner was re-elected last October in a landslide victory.

Of course this success story is rarely told, mostly because it involved reversing many of the failed neoliberal policies – backed by Washington and its International Monetary Fund—that brought the country to ruin in its worst recession of 1998-2002. Now the government is reversing another failed neoliberal policy of the 1990’s:  the privatization of its oil and gas industry, which should never have happened in the first place.

There are sound reasons for this move, and the government will most likely be proved right once again. Repsol, the Spanish oil company that currently owns 57 percent of Argentina’s YPF, hasn’t produced enough to keep up with Argentina’s rapidly growing economy. From 2004 to 2011, Argentina’s oil production actually declined by almost 20 percent and gas by 13 percent, with YPF accounting for much of this. And the company’s proven reserves of oil and gas have also fallen substantially over the past few years.

The lagging production is not only a problem for meeting the needs of consumers and businesses, it is also a serious macroeconomic problem.

The shortfall in oil and gas production has led to a rapid rise in imports. In 2011 these doubled from the previous year to $9.4 billion, thus cancelling out a large part of Argentina’s trade surplus. A favorable balance of trade has been very important to Argentina since its default in 2001.  Because the government is mostly shut out of borrowing from international financial markets, it needs to be careful about having enough foreign exchange to avoid a balance of payments crisis. This is another reason that it can no longer afford to leave energy production and management to the private sector.

So why the outrage against Argentina’s decision to take – through a forced purchase—a controlling interest in what for most of the enterprise’s history was the national oil company?  Mexico nationalized its oil in 1938, and – like a number of OPEC countries  – doesn’t even allow foreign investment in oil. Most of the world’s oil and gas producers – from Saudi Arabia to Norway – have state-owned companies. The privatizations of oil and gas in the 1990s were an aberration – neoliberalism gone wild. Even when Brazil privatized $100 billion of state enterprises in the 1990s, the government kept majority control over Petrobras.

As Latin America has achieved its “second independence” over the past decade and a half, sovereign control over energy resources has been an important part of the region’s economic comeback. Bolivia re-nationalized its hydrocarbons industry in 2006, and increased hydrocarbon revenue from less than 10 percent to more than 20 percent of GDP (the difference would be about two-thirds of current government revenue in the United States).  Ecuador under Rafael Correa greatly increased its control over oil and its share of private companies’ production.

So Argentina is catching up with its neighbors and the world, and reversing past mistakes in this area. As for their detractors, they are in a weak position to be throwing stones. The ratings agencies are threatening to downgrade Argentina. Should anyone take them seriously after they gave AAA ratings to worthless mortgage-backed junk during the housing bubble, and then pretended that the U.S. government could actually default?  And as for the threats from the European Union and the right wing government of Spain – what have they done right lately, with Europe caught in its second recession in three years, nearly halfway through a lost decade, and with 24 percent unemployment in Spain?

It is interesting that Argentina has had such remarkable economic success over the past nine years while receiving very little foreign direct investment, and being mostly shunned by international financial markets. According to most of the business press, these are the two most important constituencies that any government should make sure to please. But the Argentine government has had other priorities. Maybe that’s another reason why Argentina gets so much flak.

Posted in Labor/Economics, Politics, Uncategorized | Comments Off on Argentina’s Critics Get It Wrong Again

Chris Drew Dies Day Before Eavesdropping Law Ruled Unconstitutional

(From Chicago Independent Media Center) – Chris Drew, Chicago artist, activist, and free speech advocate, passed away on May 7. Drew was noted among the community of Chicago political activists for being a consistent presence at political activist rallies and events, particularly for his homemade silkscreened patches highlighting and bringing attention to a variety of political and social causes. He founded the Uptown Multi Cultural Art Center in the early 1990s and shared his silkscreening skills with others.

Drew gained national attention for his efforts for advancing free speech. He was arrested in December 2009 for challenging the peddlar’s license ordinance in the city of Chicago. The ordinance required street artists to register every month for a “free speech permit.” Those who “won” such permits were nevertheless restricted to be present to ten corners in the Loop.

Those efforts extended to challenging Illinois’ eavesdropping law, which forbid public recording of police on Illinois Streets. A suit against Drew by the State’s Attorney office was thrown out in March 2012, and on May 8, 2012, the day after Drew’s passing, the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals in Chicago ruled in Drew’s favor, striking down the Illinois Eavesdropping Act.

Below is a reprint of a post on Chris Drew’s Facebook page.

====

This afternoon, May 7, 2012 artist Chris Drew passed away.

The most important thing to say is that Chris died as he lived, fighting all the way for the dispossessed and marginalized among us, for the right of artists to speak their mind and to survive. He died struggling to make sure the art patch project continues, and there are a number of artists beginning to organize to make sure the project does continue. He died urging that the legal battles he had entered not be dropped.

Before there was a national dialogue and a coherent cry on behalf of “the 99%,” Chris devoted his life to providing the artistic means for people to discover their creativity and to participate in the transformation of society. A long time colleague of Carlos Cortez, Chris lived the aphorism that Carlos was fond of telling as we sat around his dining room table: “Never become an artist to make a living. Become an artist to make a life!” While advocating for artists’ individual rights to make a living by their art, Chris never strayed from using art for change for all, and never left the section of society with and for whom he advocated.

Chris touched very many people in his journey. We will remember his strength, his audacity, his willingness to sacrifice, his ingenuity and persistence. We will remember his creativity, his art. As long as we are here, he is still here. Remember that he is still here, the next time you see another artist printing an art patch, when you see another art patch on a book bag or a jacket.

————

(From the editors of the Public i) Chris Drew, who was prosecuted under the Illinois Eavesdropping Law, making it a felony  with a  possible 15-year sentence to audio-record a police officer, most unfortunately passed away before the 7th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals ruled that “the eavesdropping statute restricts a medium of expression-the use of a common instrument of commuication-and thus an integral step in the speech process.  As applied here [in the Illinois statute], it interferes with the gathering and dissemination of information about government oficials performing their duties in public.  Any way you look at it, the eavesdropping statute burdens speech and press rights and is subject to heightened First Amendment scrutiny.” The Appeals Court reversed the decision of a District Court that had upheld the law.

In 2004, local African American civil rights activists Patrick Thompson and Martel Miller were also charged under this Illinois eavesdropping law by then States Attorney John Piland after they had recorded stops made by the Champaign police.  The charges were dropped by States Attorney Julia Reitz who was elected in 2004 and remains in that office today.

Posted in Human Rights, Policing, Uncategorized | Comments Off on Chris Drew Dies Day Before Eavesdropping Law Ruled Unconstitutional

Socialism 2012: ISO Annual Conference

SOCIALISM 2012
Educate. Agitate. Occupy
June 28-July 1 | Chicago
http://www.socialismconference.org/

“A global rebellion of the oppressed against the oppressor, the exploited against the exploiter.” That’s how the African American revolutionary Malcolm X characterized the international scene in 1965. But the description seems even more apt today.

After years of devastation in the clutches of the Great Recession, masses of people are discovering their own power to change the world. The Arab Spring has given birth to a global movement of Occupiers that has revived the politics of class struggle and revolution for the 21st century. Instead of the cutbacks, unemployment and repression that our rulers offer us, solidarity in struggle shows that “another world is possible.”

Each year, the Socialism conference brings together more than 1,500 scholars and activists from around the country to learn our history of class struggle and debate strategies for building a better world. Don’t miss this chance to meet hundreds of others like you: committed fighters against a system of greed, racism, war and oppression.

Join us for more than 100 presentations: Where Is the Egyptian Revolution Going? | The Future of the Occupy Movement | Marxism and Imperialism | The Overpopulation Myth | The Communist Manifesto | The New War On Women | What is the Real Marxist Tradition? | The struggle against austerity in Europe | and many more

Featured speakers include: Ali Abunimah, Justin Akers Chacón, Ian Angus, Anthony Arnove, Abbie Bakan, Tithi Battacharya, Megan Behrent, Martha Biondi, Alex Callinicos, Rachel Cohen, Dana Cloud, Nicole Colson, Kevin Coval, Paul D’Amato, Neil Davidson, Antonis Davanellos, Sam Farber, Anand Gopal, Dan Georgakas, Glenn Greenwald, Arun Gupta, Ragina Johnson, Sam Jordan, Bill Keach, Sarah Knopp, Deepa Kumar, Alan Maass, Marlene Martin, Scott Mclemee, David McNally, China Miéville, Leia Petty, Khury Peterson-Smith, Charlie Post, Michael Ratner, John Riddell, Boots Riley, Jen Roesch, Eric Ruder, Elizabeth Schulte, Michael Schwartz, Liliana Segura, Lance Selfa, Ahmed Shawki, Wally Shawn,Gregg Shotwell, Beryl Satter, Sharon Smith, Marvin Surkin, Lee Sustar, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, Elizabeth Terzakis, Hadas Thier, Lee Wengraf, Sherry Wolf, Richard Wolff, Leela Yelletsey, Annie Zirin, Dave Zirin…and many more

Download a flyer for Socialism 2012
http://www.socialismconference.org/sites/default/files/Socialism2012_flyer.pdf

Follow us on Facebook
http://www.facebook.com/socialismconf

Register today
http://www.socialismconference.org/register

Socialism 2012 sponsored by: Center for Economic Research and Social Change (publisher of International Socialist Review and Haymarket Books). Cosponsored by: The International Socialist Organization (publisher ofSocialist Worker and Obrero Socialista).

Posted in Politics, Politics | Comments Off on Socialism 2012: ISO Annual Conference